Карпи (люди)

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Карта римской Дакии с изображением Карпи, занимающих регион между реками Сирет и Прут в Молдавии (восточная Румыния)

Карпи или Carpiani были древние люди , которые проживали в восточной части современной Румынии в историческом регионе Молдавии от не позднее , чем с. 140 г. н.э. и по крайней мере до 318 г.

Этническая принадлежность Карпи остается спорной, поскольку нет прямых доказательств в сохранившихся древних литературных источниках. Многие современные ученые считают, что карпи были племенем даков . ^{[1] [2] [3]} Другие ученые связывают карпи с различными этническими группами, в том числе сарматами , фракийцами , славянами , германскими народами и кельтами .

Примерно через столетие после их самого раннего упоминания Птолемеем , в течение которого их отношения с Римом, по-видимому, были мирными, Карпи появились в c. 238 как один из самых стойких врагов Рима. В период 250–270 гг. Нашей эры карпи были важным компонентом рыхлой коалиции придунайских варварских племен, в которую также входили германские и сарматские элементы. Они были ответственны за серию крупных и разрушительных вторжений в балканские регионы империи, которые чуть не привели к ее распаду во время « кризиса третьего века ».

В период 270–318 годов римские «военные императоры» действовали, чтобы устранить угрозу Карпи границам империи. Многократные сокрушительные поражения Карпи были нанесены в 273, 297, 298-308 и 317. После каждого из них огромное количество Карпи было насильственно переброшено римскими военными в римскую провинцию Паннония (современная западная Венгрия ) в составе императоров. 'политика заселения опустошенных придунайских провинций сдавшимися варварскими племенами. Поскольку после 318 г. карпи больше не упоминаются в известных документах, вполне возможно, что карпы были в значительной степени удалены из Карпатского региона ок. 318 или, если таковые остались, возможно, что они смешались с другими народами, проживающими в Молдавии или иммигрирующими в Молдавию, такими как сарматы или готы.

Этимология имени [ править ]

Греко-римляне называли этот народ Карпи или Карпиани . ^[4] Вероятно, самое раннее упоминание о них под названием Καρπιανοί ( Carpiani на латыни) встречается в « Географии» греческого географа 2-го века Птолемея , составленной ок. 140 г. н.э. ^{[5] [6]}

Название Карпи или Карпиани может происходить от того же корня, что и название горного хребта Карпат, который они занимали, также впервые упомянутого Птолемеем под названием Καρπάτης - Карпатес . ^[7] Корнем может быть предполагаемое протоиндоевропейское слово * ker / sker , означающее «пик» или «утес» (ср. Албанское karpë «скала», румынское (ş) carpă «пропасть» и латинское scarpa ). . ^[8] Ученые, поддерживающие этот вывод, разделены на тех, кто считает, что Карпи дали свое название горному хребту (т.е. название означает "горы Карпи »)^{[9] [10]} и те, кто утверждает обратное. В последнем случае Carpiani могло означать просто «люди Карпат». ^[11] Но сходство между этими двумя именами может быть совпадением, и они могут иметь разные корни. Например, было высказано предположение, что это название может происходить от славянского корня крепу, означающего «сильный» или «храбрый». ^[12] Кроме того, было высказано предположение, что Карпаты могут происходить от санскритского корня «кар» - «вырезать», что дает значение «суровые горы». ^[13]

Румынский ученый Василе Парван считал, что следующие народы, записанные в древних источниках, соответствуют Карпани Птолемея :

• Kallipidai упоминается в Истории из Геродота (около 430 составлена до н.э.) как находящиеся в районе реки Борисфен ( Днепр ) ^{[14] [15]}
• Karpídai вокруг устья реки Тира ( Днестр ) , записанной во фрагменте Псудо Саймнуса ( в составе с. 90 до н.э.) ^{[15] [16]}
• Harpii , расположенный недалеко от дельты Дуная, упоминается сам Птолемей. ^{[15] [17]}

Если это так, их местонахождение может означать, что Карпи очень постепенно мигрировали на запад в период с 400 г. до н.э. - 140 г. н.э., точку зрения, которую отстаивал Карстедт. ^[18] Общий элемент этих имен карп - часто встречается в дакских и фракийских топонимах и личных именах. ^{[13] [19]} Но нет единого мнения, что эти группы на самом деле являются карпи. Бичир предполагает, что это были фрако-дакские племена, отдаленно связанные с карпи. ^[20]

Территория [ править ]

Баррингтон Атлас греческого и римского мира местами Карпи между рекой Hierasus ( Сирет ) и реки Porata ( Прут ) ^[21]

Однако достоверно определить территории этих групп не представляется возможным из-за неточности древних географических источников. Кроме того, вполне вероятно, что во многих областях этнические группы пересекались, и этническая карта представляла собой лоскутное одеяло из разрозненных подгрупп. Сарматы и бастарны засвидетельствованы как в литературе, так и в археологии по всей Валахии , Молдавии и Бессарабии . ^{[22] [23] [24]}Вполне вероятно, что, когда греко-римские источники ссылаются на конфликты с костобочами, карпи или готами, они имеют в виду коалиции различных групп под господствующим в настоящее время племенем. Принимая во внимание неоднократные набеги Карпи к югу от Дуная и столкновения с римлянами в течение 3-го века, вероятно, ок. 230 г. Карпи расширили свою гегемонию на восточную Валахию, где раньше доминировали роксоланы.

Материальная культура [ править ]

Ученые не оспаривают, что некоторые дакийские поселения децебалической эпохи в Молдавии (в основном к западу от Сирета, с некоторыми на восточном берегу (включая Пироборидаву , отождествляемую с Пояна-Текуч ), были оставлены 106, скорее всего, согласно Бичир, в результате римского завоевания Дакии . ^[25] С этого времени Бичир определяет две различные культуры в Молдавии, существующие бок о бок. Одна, оседлая культура, названная Бичиром «Дако-Карпик», началась около 106 г. и исчезла около 318 г .; ^[26] меньшая культура имела характеристики, обычно связанные с кочевыми народами евразийских степей , названными Бичиром «сарматами».^[23]

К 1976 году было идентифицировано 117 оседлых поселений, подавляющее большинство (89) располагалось к западу от Сирета (то есть внутри границ Дакии, по определению Птолемея). ^[27] Жители жили как в наземных домах, так и в хижинах с углубленным полом. Однокомнатные надводные жилища строились из плетня и глины, обычно прямоугольной или квадратной формы, размером от 9 до 30 квадратных метров. В каждом из них был глиняный очаг, расположенный в центре жилища. Более многочисленные хижины из затонувшего грунта обычно имеют овальную или круглую форму. ^[28] Сидячие люди обычно кремировали своих мертвых, как взрослых, так и детей, по словам Бичира : все 43 чисто «дако-карпических» (сидячих) кладбища использовали только кремацию.. Прах кремации в подавляющем большинстве случаев хоронили внутри урн. ^{[29] В} некоторых могилах был инвентарь, но не было оружия, кроме кинжала. Обычные товары включают ножи, ключи и пряжки для ремней; Среди ценных товаров - зеркала в сарматском стиле, серебряные серьги, золотые подвески и бусы. ^[30] Керамика, найденная в оседлых поселениях, включает ручную «пористую» посуду, серую посуду, изготовленную из колеса, гончарную посуду, обожженную красным, и импортированную римскую посуду. Бишир описывает первые два как продолжение дакийской керамики Ла Тена и указывает на наличие так называемой «дакийской чашки», чаши отличительного дизайна, как свидетельства дакийской основы этой культуры. Однако он признает, что в керамике также прослеживается влияние римлян и сарматов .^[31] Оседлый народ, по всей видимости, был в целом неграмотным, поскольку во время очень интенсивных раскопок, проводившихся в этом регионе, надписи «Дако-Карпик» не было обнаружено.

Оседлая культура не выпускала собственной чеканки. Однако, по словам Бичира, римские монеты находились в «интенсивном» обращении на территории Карпи. ^[32] Это основано на большом количестве кладов монет, найденных в Молдавии (90), и около 100 отдельных монет. Тем не менее, обращение римских монет, похоже, практически прекратилось после 218 года, так как не было обнаружено никаких кладов монет и было найдено только 7 отдельных монет после Каракаллы , правившего в 211–218 годах нашей эры. ^[33]

Могилы кочевников преимущественно ингумационного типа, обнаруженные к 1976 г. в 38 местах в Молдавии . ^[27] Они преимущественно встречаются на равнинах, реже в предгорьях Карпат (т.е. к востоку от Сирета), по отдельности или небольшими группами по 2-13 могил, включая мужчин, женщин и детей. Подавляющее большинство могил кочевой культуры плоские (не кулисные), в отличие от кочевых курганов, найденных в Приднестровье на восток. Тем не менее, были обнаружены некоторые вторичные захоронения из курганов (т. Е. С использованием ранее существовавших курганов), в основном датируемые с 200 г. В могилах кочевников всегда есть погребальный инвентарь, часто включая оружие, и зеркала с выгравированными тамгами (ритуальные или племенные символы, связанные с кочевыми степными культурами). ^[34]

Шесть кладбищ в списке Бичира содержат как кремационные, так и погребальные могилы. На памятнике Пойенешти (единственном, полностью исследованном к 1976 г.) были похоронены 6 взрослых и 17 детей (по сравнению с кремацией 62). Из них у 2 взрослых и 7 детей были обнаружены искусственно удлиненные черепа . Этот обычай, достигнутый путем плотного связывания черепа младенца на ранней стадии его роста, ассоциируется со степными кочевниками. Бичир идентифицирует взрослых как кочевников, а детей как потомков смешанных кочево-оседлых браков. ^[23]

From the ratio of sedentary to nomadic graves, Bichir concludes that the sedentary folk constituted the majority of the population of Moldavia. In the mixed cemeteries documented by Bichir, nomadic graves constitute about 28% of the total.^[23] However, in Moldavia as a whole, nomadic graves represent no more than 1% of all graves.

After 318, according to Bichir, the "Daco-Carpic" culture was in Moldavia replaced by the Sîntana-de-Mureş "variant" of the Chernyakhov culture common to much of the North-Pontic region of south eastern Europe in the period 200-400.^[26]

Ethno-linguistic affiliation[edit]

There is no direct evidence in surviving Roman imperial era sources, literary or epigraphic, regarding the language of the Carpi. In the near-total absence of inscriptions in the barbaricum, the only valid (though not infallible) indicator of the linguistic affiliation of barbarian peoples are personal names, which can sometimes be ascribed to a linguistic group. However, not a single Carpi personal name is preserved in the surviving ancient sources, other than the name "Carpi" itself, which cannot be ascribed with confidence to any linguistic group.

According to traditional Romanian historiography, as well as to several non-Romanian scholars, the Carpi were a people of the Dacian tongue and culture^[35] Heather, who supports this view, suggests that the Carpi name was adopted as the collective name of the Free Dacian tribes when they achieved a degree of political unification in the early 3rd century.^[36]

However, a significant number of scholars dispute that the Carpi were ethnic Dacians, and have identified them variously as Sarmatians, Daco-Thracians, Celts, or even proto-Slavs.^[37] This is because the region between the rivers Siret and Dniester was of great ethnic diversity during the Roman imperial era, the Barrington Atlas listing Agathyrsi, Bastarnae, Britolagai, Costoboci, Roxolani, Thrakes, and Tyragetae.^[38] Also, some modern authors surmise the existence of ethnic groups formed in loco from mixed origins (but mostly with an indigenous Dacian/Sarmatian base e.g. the Goths).^[39][40]

The evidence to support a Dacian identity:

1. Archaeology: Pottery and other artifacts, identified as "Dacian-style" by archaeologists such as Bichir, were discovered at sites in the region of Moldavia presumed inhabited by the Carpi in the period AD 100-300 (e.g. at Poieneşti, near Vaslui) as well as in burial sites.^[41] In particular, Bichir points to a cup of unusual design and to the "corded" decoration of pots, as characteristically Dacian .^[42] However, determination of the Carpi's ethno-linguistic affiliation using the typology, or by the relative quantity, of finds has been questioned by Niculescu.^{[Note 1]} Roger Batty concurs that the presence of "Dacian-style" artefacts attests to the material level of the indigenes, but does not prove their ethnicity.^[43] These objections reflect modern archaeological theory, which considers that material cultures are not a reliable guide to the ethnic identity, and even less to the language, of the people in question (which may, in any case, have changed over time).^{[44][45][Note 2]}
2. Zosimus, a Byzantine chronicler writing around AD 500, records an invasion of Rome's Danubian provinces in 381 by a barbarian coalition of Huns, Scirii and Karpodakai ("Carpo-Dacians").^[54] The latter term has been taken by some scholars as 'proof' of the Carpi's Dacian ethnicity.^[41] But this is the only literary evidence linking the Carpi name to that of the Dacians, and Zosimus is regarded by numerous modern scholars as an unreliable chronicler. One historian accords Zosimus "an unsurpassable claim to be regarded as the worst of all the extant Greek historians of the Roman Empire [...] it would be tedious to catalogue all the instances where this historian has falsely transcribed names, not to mention his confusion of events...".^[55][56] In any case, the term is ambiguous. It has also been interpreted as the "Carpi and the Dacians" or "the Carpi mixed with the Dacians". According to the eminent classical scholar Kahrstedt, the term does not refer to the Carpi at all but to Free Dacians, who occupied the territory of the Carpi, after the latter were deported by the Romans. He argues that, in ancient Greek, the first part of the term could only have a geographical meaning: i.e. Karpodakai means "the Dacians from the land of the Carpi". In the same vein, it has also been interpreted as "the Dacians of the Carpathians".^[18] (Compare Tyragetae, supposedly meaning "the Getae from the Tyras region"). It is possible that the entire Carpi people were transferred to the Roman empire by 318, which is supported by literary^[57] and archaeological evidence: Bichir notes that the culture which he calls "Daco-Carpic" ended in about 318.^[41] If so, then Zosimus' Karpodakai could not be referring to the Carpi.
3. Inscription AE (1965) 223 is engraved on the tombstone of Publius Aelius Proculinus, a centurion of the Cohors VII Praetoria (Philippiana) "missed (i.e. killed) in the Dacian War at Castellum Carporum" (bello Dacico desiderato ad castellum Carporum). According to Bichir and others, this refers to the war against the Carpi conducted by emperor Philip the Arab in 246/7, and the castellum Carporum (literally: "fort of the Carpi") is the stronghold of the Carpi, mentioned by Zosimus,^[58] where the final battle of the campaign took place. By implication, he argues, this supports the view that the Carpi were Dacians. But other scholars identify the castellum Carporum as a Roman auxiliary fort on the lower Danube, evidenced by the vicus Carporum, a fort-satellite village opposite Carsium (Hârșova, Rom.), mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus.^[21] Cuff argues that Proculinus was actually in command of this fort when he was killed.^[59]

A possible argument against Dacian ethnicity is that Roman emperors did not use the long-established imperial victory-title (cognomen ex virtute) Dacicus Maximus (literally: "the greatest Dacian") for victories over the Carpi, but instead adopted the separate title Carpicus Maximus.^{[original research?]} This was introduced by Philip the Arab in 247, the first Roman emperor to defeat the Carpi in person.^[60] Such titles were usually ethnographic, not geographical (i.e. Dacicus meant "victorious over the Dacians", not "victorious in Dacia")^{[61][original research?]} The emperors Aurelian and Constantine I claimed both the Dacicus and Carpicus titles. The existence of a separate victory-title for the Carpi may imply that the Romans did not consider the Carpi to be ethnic-Dacians^{[citation needed]}. The same argument may also apply against a Sarmatian or Germanic identity for the Carpi, as Sarmaticus and Germanicus were also established titles in Philip's time. However, the victory-title argument is not conclusive, as 3rd-century emperors used three titles simultaneously to indicate victories against the Iranians, Parthicus ("Victorious over the Parthians"), Medicus ("Medes") and Persicus ("Persians").^{[original research?]}

Note: *Some of the titles above are attested to in multiple inscriptions.

Conflict with Rome[edit]

Although the Carpi are recorded as resident in the Dacian region from at least the 140's onwards, they are not mentioned in Roman accounts of several campaigns in the Dacian region in the second century. For example, in Rome's vast and protracted conflict with the trans-danubian tribes, known as the Marcomannic Wars (166-80), during which Dacia province suffered at least two major invasions (167, 170), only their neighbours the Costoboci are mentioned specifically.^[74] Silence on the role of the Carpi in these conflicts may imply that they were Roman allies in this period.^[41]

Around AD 200 a phase of major population movements started in the European barbaricum (the region outside the borders of the empire). The cause of this dislocation is unknown, but an important factor may have been the Antonine Plague (165-180), a devastating smallpox pandemic, which may have killed 15-30% of the Roman empire's inhabitants.^[75] The impact on the barbarian regions would have resulted in many weakened tribes and empty regions that may have induced the stronger tribes to expand. A well-known example is the Goths. These were probably recorded by the Roman historian Tacitus, under the name Gotones, as inhabiting the area East of the Vistula river in central Poland in AD 100.^[76] By 250, the Goths had moved South into western Ukraine and were frequently raiding the empire in conjunction with local tribes.^[77]

It was in this context of upheaval that, in the middle of the third century, the Carpi emerged as a major barbarian threat to Rome's lower Danubian provinces.^[78] They were described by Jordanes as "a race of men very eager to make war, and often hostile to the Romans".^[79] A series of major Carpi incursions into the empire are recorded, either alone or in alliance with their neighbouring Sarmatian or Germanic tribes (including Roxolani, Bastarnae, Goths). However, the role of the Carpi in the coalition's incursions is not always clear, as the most comprehensive account, that of the 6th-century chronicler Zosimus, is chronologically confused and often denotes the participants under the vague term "Scythians" (meaning inhabitants of the geographical region called Scythia (i.e. roughly modern Ukraine), not ethnic Scythians).

The involvement of the Carpi in attacks by the Free Dacians into Roman Dacia is also uncertain. Supporters of a Dacian ethnicity for the Carpi have tended to assume that they participated in campaigns where Roman emperors claimed the title Dacicus Maximus, in addition to those resulting in a Carpicus Maximus acclamation. But all incursions in which the Carpi are specifically reported by ancient sources were into Moesia Inferior, not Dacia.^{[80][81][82][83][84]} The following is a list of recorded incursions in which Carpi participation is specifically attested to by the sources:

Carpi attacks on the Danubian frontier (238–250)[edit]

238: The Carpi launched their first recorded major incursion into Roman territory south of the Danube, during the brief joint rule of the adolescent Gordian III and the senators Balbinus and Pupienus Maximus.^[81] This was apparently provoked by the refusal of the governor of Moesia Inferior, Tullius Menophilus, to grant the Carpi's demand for an annual subsidy to keep the peace, as was already paid to the Goths and other tribes on the lower Danube.^[85] This lends support to the possibility that, until this time, the Carpi had been long-term allies of the Romans and were aggrieved that they were in effect penalised for their loyalty. However, the governor succeeded in driving out the Carpi in 239.^[4]

245–247: During the rule of emperor Philip the Arab (244-249), the Carpi crossed the Danube and laid waste Moesia Inferior. After the theatre governors failed to repel the invasion, the emperor took personal command and launched a major counter-attack. After a prolonged struggle, the Carpi were driven back across the Danube. Pursued by the Romans into their homeland, the main body of Carpi took refuge in a major stronghold (presumably a hillfort), where they were surrounded and besieged by Philip's forces. The remaining Carpi forces, which had scattered, rallied and launched an attempt to relieve the siege. The besieged staged a mass sortie to distract the Romans' attention from the approach of the relief-force. But the latter were intercepted and routed by Philip's equites Maurorum (Berber light cavalry from N. Africa). The breakout itself was contained, forcing the Carpi to sue for peace. This was granted to them on apparently lenient terms by Philip, who was eager to conclude the campaign in time for the forthcoming celebrations of the 1,000th anniversary of the City of Rome's foundation (April 248).^[58] Philip was acclaimed Carpicus Maximus.^[60]

Sarmato-Gothic invasions of the Roman empire (250-270)[edit]

250-251: The Carpi participated in a massive transdanubian invasion of Moesia and Thrace under the leadership of the Gothic king Kniva.^[86] Kniva's invasion had apparently been provoked by the termination of the Goths' annual Roman subsidy by the emperor Philip.^[87] Judging by their actions, the invaders' war aims were limited to pillage: the capture of as many slaves, horses, treasure and other goods as possible to take back to their homelands across the Danube.

Kniva's horde apparently included Goths, Taifali and Vandals, as well as some renegade Roman army veterans.^[86] Given Zosimus' description of "Scythians", it almost certainly included Sarmatian elements such as the Roxolani. In addition, an apparently separate force of Goths and Bastarnae also entered Moesia Inferior, led by Kniva's two top lieutenants. Jordanes claims that the barbarians totaled 300,000 men, but Byzantine chroniclers often grossly inflate barbarian numbers, typically by a factor of ten (e.g. Zosimus' claim that 60,000 Alamanni fell at the Battle of Strasbourg in 357, against the 6,000 recorded by the contemporary and more reliable Ammianus Marcellinus).^[88][89] Thus 30,000 is a more plausible, but still formidable, estimate for Kniva's invasion, divided into two divisions. The Carpi contingent numbered 3,000 men, according to Jordanes.^[86]

Facing the invasion were the Roman emperor "Trajan" Decius, an experienced general and Philip's commander on the Danube front, who had succeeded his patron after the latter was murdered by mutinous troops in 249, and Caius Trebonianus Gallus, who had been appointed governor of Moesia Superior in the previous year by Decius. It appears that, for the purpose of dealing with the threat, Gallus was given command of forces in the frontier forts along the Danube, while the emperor commanded a mobile force of crack units.

After losing two encounters with the Romans in Moesia Inferior, Kniva surprised the emperor by unobservedly crossing the Haemus (Balkan) mountains into Thracia, which was largely undefended. The emperor, who was left several days' march behind, was obliged to rush his army into Thracia by forced marches. At Beroe (Stara Zagora, Bulgaria), Kniva launched a surprise attack on the emperor's exhausted army, inflicting a major defeat. Decius was obliged to withdraw the remnants of his shattered force to Moesia Inferior and to leave Thracia to be pillaged at will by the barbarians. Kniva's horde stormed the city of Philippopolis (Plovdiv, Bulgaria) and spent the winter of 250/251 in the province.

In the meantime, Decius rebuilt his field army in Moesia Inferior. In 251, as the barbarian army headed home towards the Danube, laden with a vast quantity of plunder, they were intercepted by the emperor at Abrittus in Moesia Inferior. In a hard-fought battle, Kniva's main force was routed. The emperor then led his men across a bog in order to engage Kniva's reserve force, which guarded the barbarians' booty. But the emperor had underestimated the difficulty of the terrain: the Romans became immobilised in the mire and reportedly every one of them perished, including the emperor himself, massacred at long range by Kniva's archers or drowned.^[58]

When news of this disaster reached the remaining legions on the Danube, they proclaimed their commander Gallus emperor. The latter concluded a peace with the Goths, which permitted them to return home with their booty intact and guaranteed resumed subsidies. Although Zosimus denounces the terms as shameful, it was probably the only realistic option open to Gallus in the circumstances.^[58]

But Gallus' resumption of subsidies did not have the desired effect of sustaining peace on the Danube. Hard on the heels of military catastrophe, the Roman army was crippled by the outbreak of a devastating smallpox pandemic, the so-called Plague of Cyprian (251 - c. 270). The effects of the Cyprianic pandemic are described by Zosimus as even worse than the earlier Antonine outbreak, which probably killed 15-30% of the empire's inhabitants.^[90][91] The Roman army would have suffered heavy casualties as a result of its close concentration of personnel and frequent movements between provinces, thus probably losing about a third of its strength. Taking advantage of Roman military disarray, the transdanubian barbarians launched repeated massive invasions of imperial territory. The exact number, dates and events of these invasions are uncertain due to the confused and fragmentary nature of the sources. It is possible that there were invasions every year and that parts of the Danubian provinces were occupied by marauding bands of barbarians year-round, during the period 251-270. From Zosimus, the following major events may be discerned:^[92]

252-253: The Carpi joined Goths and two Sarmatian tribes (the Urugundi and the Borani) in an invasion of Roman territory, ravaging Moesia and Thrace. (Zosimus states that they then crossed into Asia Minor, but as this is inconsistent with the rest of the narrative, it may be a confusion with the invasion of 256). Roman forces on the lower Danube were unable to prevent them from marauding at will, probably due to their losses at Abrittus and the impact of the plague. Eventually, the barbarians were intercepted on their way home by Aemilianus, commander of the army of Pannonia. At first, his men were fearful of engaging the barbarians, because of their aura of invincibility after Abrittus, but Aemilianus' leadership steadied them. At an unknown location near the Danube, the Romans launched a surprise attack and scored a complete victory. They chased the barbarians over the river and deep into their homelands, recovering vast quantities of plunder and liberating thousands of Roman civilians who had been abducted.^[93] Possibly among the latter was the C. Valerius Serapio (probably a Greek) who dedicated an undated altar found at Apulum (Alba Iulia) in Roman Dacia, as thanksgiving for his rescue from the Carpi (liberatus a Carpis)^[94][95]

Aemilianus was hailed as emperor by his victorious troops and marched on Rome, where Gallus' forces killed their leader rather than fight against the Danubian army. However, only three months later, Aemilianus was in turn assassinated by the same troops, who defected to Valerian (reigned 253-260), the commander of forces on the Rhine, who had marched into Italy to rescue Gallus.^[96]

Valerian was proclaimed emperor and promptly elevated his son Gallienus (reigned 253-268) as Augustus (co-emperor).^[96] This father-and-son team presided over the most chaotic period of the empire's history before the 5th century. The empire suffered multiple and massive barbarian invasions on the Rhine, Danube and in the East; at least 11 generals launched military coups; the empire was split into three autonomous pieces; and Valerian himself was captured by the Persians and died after several years in their captivity, the first Roman emperor to suffer such a humiliation.^[92]

256-257: The Carpi, with the same allies as in 253, burst into Moesia, ravaged Thrace and lay siege unsuccessfully to Thessalonica in Macedonia. Valerian and Gallienus were obliged to leave the Balkan theatre to subordinates with inadequate forces, as they were fully occupied, the former in the East fighting the Persians, the latter on the Rhine trying to stem a massive Germanic incursion. The whole of Greece was placed on invasion alert: the Athenians rebuilt their city walls for the first time since they were demolished by the republican general Sulla in 87 BC and the Peloponnesians re-fortified the Isthmus of Corinth.^[96] The barbarians were eventually routed by Gallienus' lieutenant Aureolus, who brought large numbers of prisoners to Rome.

259-260: "The Scythians, including every people of their country" (i.e. including the Carpi) launched a massive invasion over the Danube, taking advantage of the military and political chaos in the empire. It appears that the barbarians divided into two armies. One invaded Greece and, despite its new walls, succeeded in storming and sacking Athens. The other group crossed Illyricum into Italy, and appeared before the walls of Rome, forcing the Roman Senate to arm the civilian population to man the ramparts, as Gallienus was fully occupied on the Rhine fighting a coup d'état by one of his generals (Postumus).^[97] Recognising that there was no possibility of taking the City and sacking it, the Gothic-led host proceeded to ravage the whole of Italy. They were finally driven out by Gallienus' lieutenant Macrianus, who brought the Rhine army into Italy.^[98]

Further major "Scythian" invasions took place in 265-266 and possibly the largest of all, 267-268, which was a seaborne invasion which penetrated the Aegean Sea, landed in Macedonia and proceeded to ravage Thrace. However, it was eventually stopped by the emperor Claudius II Gothicus, who destroyed the barbarian host at Naissus (268). Unlike previous invasions, the Carpi are not mentioned specifically by Zosimus and the other chroniclers and their role is thus uncertain.^[99]

Defeat and resettlement in the Empire (271-318)[edit]

The late third century saw the military recovery of the empire under the iron rule of the so-called "Illyrian emperors", a tightly knit group of career soldiers with shared origins in the Danubian provinces and regiments. Their successors, often their descendants, dominated the empire for over a century (268-379). These not only broke the transdanubian tribes on the battlefield, but also pursued a policy of large-scale resettlement of defeated tribespeople in the Danubian provinces of the empire. This was motivated by the need to re-populate the Danubian provinces, which had been ravaged by plague and barbarian invasions during the period 250-270.^{[Note 3]}

272: The emperor Aurelian (reigned 270-275) scored a major victory over the Carpi, for which he was granted the title Carpicus Maximus by the Senate.^[84][101] He then resettled a large number of Carpi prisoners around Sopiana (Pécs, Hungary) in the Roman province of Pannonia.^[102] This appears to have inaugurated the policy of resettling the Carpi in the empire.

296-305: In 296, the emperor Diocletian (reigned 284-305) went to war against the Carpi, the Romans' first major conflict with this people since its defeat by Aurelian 23 years earlier. The war ended in 297 with a crushing Roman victory.^[103] A panegyric of 297 hails "the recent disasters [suffered by] the Carpi" (proxima illa ruina Carporum).^[104] Diocletian claimed the title Carpicus Maximus for the first time.^[105] In 298, Diocletian handed the lower Danube command to his Caesar (deputy emperor), Galerius. In an intensive series of campaigns, Galerius inflicted four more defeats on the Carpi in just two years (302-303 inclusive).^[106] These victories are attested by the 4 additional Carpicus titles claimed by Diocletian and his three imperial colleagues (known as the Tetrarchs.^[107] (It was apparently their practice to claim victory-titles collectively, thus all four claimed Carpicus titles for the victories achieved by Galerius).

305-311: After acceding as Augustus (full emperor) in 305, Galerius is recorded as claiming the Carpicus title for a sixth time, at some time during his reign.^[108][109]

318: The emperor Constantine I the Great (reigned 312-337) is recorded as holding the Carpicus Maximus title in an inscription of that year.^[110] This most likely represents a victory over the Carpi in 316-317, when Constantine is documented as resident in the Balkans for the first time since his appointment as Caesar in 306.^[111]

Each of these acclamations probably implied the slaying of at least 5,000 Carpi (as traditionally required for the grant of a Triumph in Rome). For the Carpi, these defeats were accompanied by mass deportations and resettlement inside the empire. According to Ammianus, Diocletian's regime continued to settle Carpi in Pannonia, and, apparently, in Scythia Minor (i.e. the coastal region of modern Romania).^[112] Eutropius reports that "enormous numbers" were transferred.^[113] Heather interprets these reports as implying hundreds of thousands of deportees.^[114] According to Victor, writing in 361, the entire remaining Carpi people were transferred into the empire.^[57]

Carpi after 318[edit]

There are several indications that the Carpi may have been largely eliminated north of the Danube by 318:

1. The evidence of Aurelius Victor that all the Carpi were deported to the empire.^[57]
2. The sheer scale of losses in repeated wars against the Romans (5 wars in a 21-year period 296-317) and subsequent mass deportations.
3. The disappearance, c. 318, of the "Daco-Carpic" culture in Moldavia, according to Bichir.^[26]
4. The absence of any mention of the transdanubian Carpi in the contemporary history of Ammianus, whose surviving books provide a detailed account of the period 353-378.^[115] (Ammianus does mention the Carpi twice, but only those settled inside the empire).^[112]
5. The fact that the Carpicus title was not claimed after 318.

Many historians dispute that the Carpi were eliminated from the Carpathian region and argue that many Carpi remained, e.g. Millar and Batty.^[116][117] Beyond 318, specific evidence of Carpi continuity is limited to Zosimus' reference to Karpodakai joining in a barbarian invasion of the empire in the 380s.

Even if some Carpi did remain north of the Danube, it is clear that they lost their political independence, according to Heather.^[114] After the death of Constantine, the Wallachian plain and Moldavia fell under the domination of the Thervingi branch of the Gothic nation, as evidenced by the existence of a substantial Gothic kingdom in the mid fourth century.^[118] Transylvania appears to have been dominated in the fourth century by another, probably Germanic group, the Taifals.^[118] However, the Taifali appear also to have been under Gothic suzerainty.^[119]

These Germanic kingdoms were after 350 overwhelmed by the Huns, resulting in the great Gothic-led migration of Transdanubians across the Danube that culminated in the Roman disaster at the Battle of Adrianople in 378. The Carpi are nowhere mentioned in Ammianus' detailed account of these epic events, suggesting that any who remained north of the Danube had probably lost their distinct identity.^{[citation needed]}

See also[edit]

• Costoboci
• Dacians
• Free Dacians
• Origin of the Albanians#Thracian or Daco-Moesian origin
• Late Roman army

Notes[edit]

Citations[edit]

References[edit]

Ancient[edit]

Modern[edit]

External links[edit]

Media related to Carpi people at Wikimedia Commons

• Niculescu: Archaeological interpretation in Romania