В Генеральных кортесов ( испанское произношение: [koɾtes xeneɾales] ; английский: испанский парламент , лит «Общие судами») являются двухкамерными законодательными палатами из Испании , состоящие из Конгресса депутатов (далее нижняя палаты ) и Сената ( верхний дом ).
Парламент Испании (Общие суды) Cortes Generales | |
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14-й генеральный кортес | |
Тип | |
Тип | |
Дома | Сенатский съезд депутатов |
Лидерство | |
Председатель сената | |
Президент Конгресса депутатов | |
Состав | |
Сиденья | 615 265 сенаторов 350 депутатов |
Сенатские политические группы | Правительство (115) Поддерживается (17)
Оппозиция (133) |
Политические группы Конгресса депутатов | Правительство (155) Поддерживается (13)
Оппозиция (182)
|
Выборы | |
Сенат последние выборы | 10 ноября 2019 г. |
Последние выборы Конгресса депутатов | 10 ноября 2019 г. |
Следующие выборы в Сенат | Следующие всеобщие выборы в Испании |
Следующие выборы в Съезд депутатов | Следующие всеобщие выборы в Испании |
Место встречи | |
Сенат Palacio del Senado Plaza de la Marina Española Centro , Мадрид Королевство Испания Конгресс депутатов Palacio de las Cortes Carrera de San Jerónimo Centro , Мадрид, Королевство Испания | |
Веб-сайт | |
cortesgenerales .es |
Конгресс депутатов собирается во Паласио-де-лас-Кортес . Сенат собирается во Паласио дель Сенадо . Оба находятся в Мадриде . Кортесы избираются на основе всеобщего, свободного, равного, прямого и тайного избирательного права , [2] , за исключением некоторых сенаторских мест, которые избираются косвенно законодательными собраниями автономных сообществ . Генеральные кортесы состоят из 616 членов: 350 депутатов и 266 сенаторов.
Члены Cortes Generales отбывают четырехлетний срок и являются представителями испанского народа. [3] В обеих палатах места разделены по избирательным округам, соответствующим пятидесяти провинциям Испании, плюс Сеута и Мелилья . Однако Канарские и Балеарские острова образуют разные избирательные округа в Сенате.
Как парламентская система , кортесы утверждают и снимают с должности премьер-министра Испании и его или ее правительство ; в частности, кандидат на пост премьер-министра должен быть наделен Конгрессом большинством голосов «за». Конгресс также может отправить премьер-министра в отставку через вотум недоверия . Кортесы также обладают властью провести конституционную реформу.
Современные Cortes Generales были созданы в соответствии с Конституцией Испании , но это учреждение имеет долгую историю.
История испанского законодательного органа
Феодальная эпоха (VIII – XII вв.)
Система Кортеса возникла в средние века как часть феодализма . «Корте» представлял собой консультативный совет, состоящий из самых могущественных феодалов, ближайших к королю. В Cortes Леон был первым парламентским органом в Западной Европе. [4] С 1230 года кортесы Леона и Кастилии были объединены, хотя власть кортесов уменьшалась. Прелаты, дворяне и простолюдины оставались разделенными в трех сословиях кортесов. Король имел возможность призывать и увольнять кортесов, но, поскольку лорды кортесов возглавляли армию и контролировали кошелек, король обычно подписывал с ними договоры, чтобы принимать законопроекты о войне за счет уступок лордам и властям. Кортес.
Расцвет буржуазии (XII – XV вв.)
С появлением городов около XII века начал расти новый социальный класс : люди, живущие в городах, не были ни вассалами (слугами феодалов), ни дворянами. Кроме того, из-за Реконкисты дворяне переживали очень тяжелые экономические времена ; так что теперь буржуазия (испанский burguesía , из Бурга , города) были деньги , и , следовательно , власть. Итак, король начал принимать представителей городов в кортесы, чтобы получить больше денег для Реконкисты. Частыми выплатами были « Fueros », предоставление автономии городам и их жителям. В это время кортесы уже имели право противодействовать решениям короля, фактически накладывая на них вето. Кроме того, некоторые представители (избранные из членов кортесов сами по себе) были постоянными советниками короля, даже когда кортесы не были.
Католические монархи (15 век)
Изабелла I Кастильская и Фердинанд II Арагонский , католические монархи , начали конкретную политику, направленную на ослабление власти буржуазии и знати. Они значительно сократили полномочия кортесов до такой степени, что они просто штамповали действия монарха и привлекли на свою сторону дворянство. Одним из основных моментов разногласий между кортесами и монархами было право повышать и понижать налоги. Это было единственное, что находилось под прямым контролем кортесов; когда королева Изабелла хотела профинансировать " Путешествие Христофора Колумба" , ей было трудно бороться с буржуазией, чтобы получить одобрение кортесов.
Imperial Cortes (16th–17th centuries)
The role of the Cortes during the Spanish Empire was mainly to rubberstamp the decisions of the ruling monarch. However, they had some power over economic and American affairs, especially taxes. The Siglo de oro, the Spanish Golden Age of arts and literature, was a dark age in Spanish politics: the Netherlands declared itself independent and started a war, while some of the last Habsburg monarchs did not rule the country, leaving this task in the hands of viceroys governing in their name, the most famous being the Count-Duke of Olivares, Philip IV's viceroy. This allowed the Cortes to become more influential, even when they did not directly oppose the King's decisions (or viceroys' decisions in the name of the King).
Some lands of the Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia) and the Kingdom of Navarre were self-governing entities until the Nueva Planta Decrees of 1716 abolished their autonomy and united Aragon with Castile in a centralised Spanish state. The abolition in the realms of Aragon was completed by 1716, whilst Navarre retained its autonomy until the 1833 territorial division of Spain. It is the only one of the Spanish territories whose current status in the Spanish state is legally linked with the old Fueros: its Statute of Autonomy specifically cites them and recognizes their special status, while also recognizing the supremacy of the Spanish Constitution.
Cortes (or Corts in Catalonia and Valencia) existed in each of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia and Navarre. It is thought that these legislatures exercised more real power over local affairs than the Castilian Cortes did. Executive councils also existed in each of these realms, which were initially tasked with overseeing the implementation of decisions made by the Cortes. However, throughout the rule of the Habsburg and Bourbon dynasties the Crown pressed for more centralization, enforcing a unitary position in foreign affairs and empowering Councils outside the control of the Cortes of the several Kingdoms. Thus, the Cortes in Spain did not develop towards a parliamentary system as in the British case, but towards the mentioned rubberstamping of royal decrees. Nevertheless, from time to time the Cortes tried to assert their control over budgetary issues, with varying grades of success.
Cádiz Cortes (1808–14) and three liberal years (1820–23)
Cortes of Cádiz operated as a government in exile. France under Napoleon had taken control of most of Spain during the Peninsular War after 1808. The Cortes found refuge in the fortified, coastal city of Cádiz. General Cortes were assembled in Cádiz, but since many provinces could not send representatives due to the French occupation, substitutes were chosen among the people of the city – thus the name Congress of Deputies. Liberal factions dominated the body and pushed through the Spanish Constitution of 1812. Ferdinand VII, however, tossed it aside upon his restoration in 1814 and pursued conservative policies, making the constitution an icon for liberal movements in Spain. Many military coups were attempted, and finally Col. Rafael del Riego's one succeeded and forced the King to accept the liberal constitution, which resulted in the Three Liberal Years (Trienio Liberal). The monarch not only did everything he could to obstruct the Government (vetoing nearly every law, for instance), but also asked many powers, including the Holy Alliance, to invade his own country and restore his absolutist powers. He finally received a French army (The Hundred Thousand Sons of St. Louis) which only met resistance in the liberal cities, but easily crushed the National Militia and forced many liberals to exile to, ironically, France. In his second absolutist period up to his death in 1833, Ferdinand VII was more cautious and did not try a full restoration of the Ancien Régime.
First Spanish Republic (1873–1874)
When the monarchy was overthrown in 1873, the King of Spain was forced into exile. The Senate was abolished because of its royally appointed nature. A republic was proclaimed and the Congress of Deputies members started writing a Constitution, supposedly that of a federal republic, with the power of Parliament being nearly supreme (see parliamentary supremacy, although Spain did not use the Westminster system). However, due to numerous issues Spain was not poised to become a republic; after several crises the republic collapsed, and the monarchy was restored in 1874.
Restoration (1874–1930)
The regime just after the First Republic is called the Bourbon Restoration. It was formally a constitutional monarchy, with the monarch as a rubberstamp to the Cortes' acts but with some reserve powers, such as appointing and dismissing the Prime Minister and appointing senators for the new Senate, remade as an elected House.
Soon after the Soviet revolution (1917), the Spanish political parties started polarizing, and the left-wing Communist Party (PCE) and Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) blamed the Government for supposed election fraud in small towns (caciquismo), which was incorrectly supposed to have been wiped out in the 1900s by the failed regenerationist movement. In the meantime, spiralling violence started with the murders of many leaders by both sides. Deprived of those leaders, the regime entered a general crisis, with extreme police measures which led to a dictatorship (1921–1930) during which the Senate was again abolished.
Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939)
The dictatorship, now ruled by Admiral Aznar-Cabañas, called for local elections. The results were overwhelmingly favorable to the monarchist cause nationally, but most provincial capitals and other sizable cities sided heavily with the republicans. This was interpreted as a victory, as the rural results were under the always-present suspicion of caciquismo and other irregularities while the urban results were harder to influence. The King left Spain, and a Republic was declared on April 14, 1931.
The Second Spanish Republic was established as a presidential republic, with a unicameral Parliament and a President of the Republic as the Head of State. Among his powers were the appointment and dismissal of the Prime Minister, either on the advice of Parliament or just having consulted it before, and a limited power to dissolve the Parliament and call for new elections.
The first term was the constituent term charged with creating the new Constitution, with the ex-monarchist leader Niceto Alcalá Zamora as President of the Republic and the left-wing leader Manuel Azaña as Prime Minister. The election gave a majority in the Cortes and thus, the Government, to a coalition between Azaña's party and the PSOE. A remarkable deed is universal suffrage, allowing women to vote, a provision highly criticized by Socialist leader Indalecio Prieto, who said the Republic had been backstabbed. Also, for the second time in Spanish history, some regions were granted autonomous governments within the unitary state. Many on the extreme right rose up with General José Sanjurjo in 1932 against the Government's social policies, but the coup was quickly defeated.
The elections for the second term were held in 1933 and won by the coalition between the Radical Party (center) and the Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) (right). Initially, only the Radical Party entered the Government, with the parliamentary support of the CEDA. However, in the middle of the term, several corruption scandals (among them the Straperlo affair) sunk the Radical Party and the CEDA entered the Government in 1934. This led to uprisings by some leftist parties that were quickly suffocated. In one of them, the left wing government of Catalonia, which had been granted home rule, formally rebelled against the central government, denying its power. This provoked the dissolution of the Generalitat de Catalunya and the imprisonment of their leaders. The leftist minority in the Cortes then pressed Alcalá Zamora for a dissolution, arguing that the uprising were the consequence of social rejection of the right-wing government. The President, a former monarchist Minister wary of the authoritarism of the right, dissolved Parliament.
The next election was held in 1936. It was hotly contested, with all parties converging into three coalitions: the leftist Popular Front, the right-winged National Front
and a Centre coalition. In the end, the Popular Front won with a small edge in votes over the runner-up National Front, but achieved a solid majority due to the new electoral system introduced by the CEDA government hoping that they would get the edge in votes. The new Parliament then dismissed Alcalá-Zamora and installed Manuel Azaña in his place. During the third term, the extreme polarisation of the Spanish society was more evident than ever in Parliament, with confrontation reaching the level of death threats. The already bad political and social climate created by the long term left-right confrontation worsened, and many right-wing rebellions were started. Then, in 1936, the Army's failed coup degenerated into the Spanish Civil War, putting an end to the Second Republic.Franco's dictatorship: the Cortes Españolas (1943–1977)
Francisco Franco did not have the creation of a consultative or legislative type of assembly as priority.[5] In 1942, following the first symptoms of change in the international panorama in favour of the Allied Powers, a law established the Cortes Españolas (Francoist Cortes), a non-democratic chamber made up of more than 400 procuradores (singular procurador). Both the Cortes' founding law and the subsequent regulations were based on the principles of rejection of parliamentarism and political pluralism.[6] Members of the Cortes were not elected and exercised only symbolic power. It had no power over government spending, and the cabinet, appointed and dismissed by Franco alone, retained real legislative authority. In 1967, with the enaction of the Organic Law of the State, the accommodation of "two family representatives per province, elected by those on the electoral roll of family heads and married women" (the so-called tercio familiar) ensued, opening a fraction of the Cortes' composition to some mechanisms of individual participation.[7]
Общие кортесы в соответствии с Конституцией 1978 года
The Cortes are a bicameral parliament composed of a lower house (Congreso de los Diputados, congress of deputies) and an upper house (Senado, senate). Although they share legislative power, the Congress holds the power to ultimately override any decision of the Senate by a sufficient majority (usually an absolute majority or three-fifths majority).
The Congress is composed of 350 deputies (but that figure may change in the future as the constitution establishes a maximum of 400 and a minimum of 300) directly elected by universal suffrage approximately every four years.
The Senate is partly directly elected in that four senators per province are elected as a general rule and partly appointed by the legislative assemblies of the autonomous communities, one for each community and another one for every million inhabitants in their territory. Although the Senate was conceived as a territorial upper house, it has been argued by nationalist parties and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party that it does not accomplish such a task because 208 out of 266 members of the Senate are elected by popular vote in each province, and only 58 are representatives appointed by the regional legislatures of autonomous communities. Proposals to reform the Senate have been discussed for at least ten years as of November 2007. One of the main themes of reform is to move towards a higher level of federalization and make the Senate a thorough representation of autonomous communities instead of the current system, which tries to incorporate the interests of province and autonomous communities at the same time.
Совместные комитеты
Committee | Office | Chair(s) | Term | Refs |
---|---|---|---|---|
Relations with the Court of Auditors | Deputy | Santos Cerdán León (PSOE) | 2019–present | [8] |
European Union | Deputy | Susana Sumelzo (PSOE) | 2019–present | [9] |
Relations with the Ombudsman | Senator | Carlota Santiago Camacho (Cs) | 2019–present | [10] |
National Security | Deputy | Vicente Tirado Ochoa (PP) | 2019–present | [11] |
Смотрите также
- List of Presidents of Cortes (Spain)
- Solemn Opening of the Parliament of Spain
- Bureaus of the Cortes Generales
Заметки
Рекомендации
- ^ "El PRC y el PSOE cierran su crisis a cambio del apoyo de Revilla a los Presupuestos de Sánchez". El Español (in Spanish). January 13, 2020. Retrieved June 5, 2020.
- ^ Article 68.1 and 69.1 of the Constitution of Spain (1978)
- ^ Article 66 of the Constitution of Spain (1978)
- ^ John Keane, The Life and Death of Democracy. Simon & Schuster, London, 2009
- ^ Giménez Martínez 2015, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Giménez Martínez, Miguel Ángel (2015). "Las Cortes de Franco o el Parlamento imposible" (PDF). Trocadero: Revista de historia moderna y contemporánea (27): 73. ISSN 0214-4212.
- ^ Giménez Martínez 2015, p. 75.
- ^ "Composición actual de la Comisión Mixta para las Relaciones con el Tribunal de Cuentas".
- ^ "Composición actual de la Comisión Mixta para la Unión Europea".
- ^ "Composición actual de la Comisión Mixta de Relaciones con el Defensor del Pueblo".
- ^ "Composición actual de la Comisión Mixta de Seguridad Nacional".
дальнейшее чтение
- O’Callaghan, Joseph F. The Cortes of Castile-León, 1188–1350, 1989.
- Constitución Española, Título III, De las Cortes Generales, 1978[permanent dead link]
Внешние ссылки
- Official website