Франклин Рузвельт ( / г oʊ г ə против əl т / , [1] / - v ɛ л т / [2] ROH -zə-Velt ; 30 января 1882 - 12 апреля 1945), который часто называют тем , что он инициалы FDR , американский политик, который занимал пост 32-го президента США с 1933 года до своей смерти в 1945 году. Член Демократической партии , он выиграл рекордные четыре президентских выбора.и стал центральной фигурой мировых событий в первой половине 20 века. Рузвельт руководил федеральным правительством на протяжении большей части Великой депрессии , реализуя свою внутреннюю повестку дня Нового курса в ответ на худший экономический кризис в истории США. Как доминирующий лидер своей партии, он создал Коалицию Нового курса , которая определила современный либерализм в Соединенных Штатах на протяжении средней трети 20 века. Его третий и четвертый сроки были во время Второй мировой войны , которая закончилась вскоре после его смерти при исполнении служебных обязанностей.
| Франклин Д. Рузвельт | |
|---|---|
 Фотография Леона Перски, 1944 год. | |
| 32-й президент США | |
| В офисе 4 марта 1933 г. - 12 апреля 1945 г. | |
| Заместитель президента |
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| Предшествует | Герберт Гувер |
| Преемник | Гарри С. Трумэн |
| 44-й губернатор Нью-Йорка | |
| В должности с 1 января 1929 г. по 31 декабря 1932 г. | |
| Лейтенант | Герберт Х. Леман |
| Предшествует | Эл Смит |
| Преемник | Герберт Х. Леман |
| Помощник Министра ВМФ | |
| В должности 17 марта 1913 г. - 26 августа 1920 г. | |
| Президент | Вудро Уилсон |
| Предшествует | Бикман Уинтроп |
| Преемник | Гордон Вудбери |
| Член Сенат штата Нью-Йоркот 26-го микрорайона | |
| В должности с 1 января 1911 г. по 17 марта 1913 г. | |
| Предшествует | Джон Ф. Шлоссер |
| Преемник | Джеймс Э. Таунер |
| Личные данные | |
| Родившийся | Франклин Делано Рузвельт 30 января 1882 г., Гайд-парк, Нью-Йорк , США. |
| Умер | 12 апреля 1945 г. (63 года) Уорм-Спрингс, Джорджия , США |
| Причина смерти | Кровоизлияние в мозг |
| Место отдыха | Springwood Estate Гайд-парк, Нью-Йорк, США |
| Политическая партия | Демократичный |
| Супруг (а) | |
| Дети | 6, включая Франклина младшего , Анну , Эллиотта , Джеймса и Джона. |
| Родители | |
| Родные | |
| Образование |
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| Занятие |
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| Подпись |  |
Рузвельт родился в Гайд-парке, штат Нью-Йорк , в семье Рузвельтов, известной благодаря репутации Теодора Рузвельта , 26-го президента Соединенных Штатов, а также репутации выдающегося бизнесмена Уильяма Генри Аспинуолла . Он окончил школу Гротон и Гарвардский колледж и учился в юридической школе Колумбийского университета, но после сдачи экзамена на адвоката ушел, чтобы заниматься юридической практикой в Нью-Йорке. В 1905 году он женился на своей пятой кузине после того, как убрал Элеонору Рузвельт . У них было шестеро детей, пятеро из которых дожили до взрослого возраста. Он победил на выборах в Сенат штата Нью-Йорк в 1910 году, а затем служил помощником министра флота при президенте Вудро Вильсоне во время Первой мировой войны . Рузвельт был напарником Джеймса М. Кокса в национальном билете от Демократической партии в 1920 году , но Кокс потерпел поражение от республиканца Уоррена Дж. Хардинга . В 1921 году Рузвельт заболел паралитическим заболеванием , которое в то время считалось полиомиелитом , и его ноги были навсегда парализованы. Пытаясь оправиться от своего состояния, Рузвельт основал центр реабилитации от полиомиелита в Уорм-Спрингс, штат Джорджия . Несмотря на то, что Рузвельт не мог ходить без посторонней помощи, он вернулся на государственную должность, победив на выборах губернатора Нью-Йорка в 1928 году. Он был губернатором с 1929 по 1933 год, продвигая программы по борьбе с экономическим кризисом, охватившим Соединенные Штаты.
На президентских выборах 1932 года Рузвельт победил действующего республиканца Герберта Гувера . Рузвельт вступил в должность в разгар Великой депрессии , худшего экономического кризиса в истории США. В течение первых 100 дней в 73 - й Конгресс Соединенных Штатов Рузвельт возглавил беспрецедентное федеральное законодательство и выдал обильность распоряжений, инициировавшую новый курс - разнообразные программ , предназначенных для производства помощи, восстановления и реформ. Он создал множество программ по оказанию помощи безработным и фермерам, одновременно добиваясь восстановления экономики с Национальным управлением восстановления и другими программами. Он также провел важные реформы регулирования, касающиеся финансов, коммуникаций и труда, и руководил отменой сухого закона . Он использовал радио, чтобы поговорить напрямую с американским народом, выступив с 30 радиопереговорами у камина во время своего президентства и стал первым американским президентом, который транслировался по телевидению. Экономика быстро улучшилась с 1933 по 1936 год, и в 1936 году Рузвельт победил на выборах с убедительным перевесом голосов . После выборов 1936 года Рузвельт добивался принятия законопроекта о реформе судебных процедур от 1937 года («план упаковки судов»), который увеличил бы размер Верховного суда Соединенных Штатов . Двухпартийная консервативная коалиция , сформированная в 1937 году, помешала принятию законопроекта и заблокировала реализацию дальнейших программ и реформ Нового курса. Затем в 1937 и 1938 годах экономика вновь погрузилась в глубокую рецессию. Основные сохранившиеся программы и законодательство, реализованные при Рузвельте, включают Комиссию по ценным бумагам и биржам , Закон о национальных трудовых отношениях , Федеральную корпорацию страхования вкладов , социальное обеспечение и Закон о справедливых трудовых стандартах. 1938 .
В 1940 году Соединенные Штаты переизбрали Рузвельта на третий срок, что сделало его единственным президентом США, который работал более двух сроков. С приближением Второй мировой войны после 1938 года США оставались официально нейтральными, но Рузвельт оказал сильную дипломатическую и финансовую поддержку Китаю , Соединенному Королевству и, в конечном итоге, Советскому Союзу . После нападения японцев на Перл-Харбор 7 декабря 1941 года, события, которое он назвал « датой, которая будет жить в позоре », Рузвельт добился объявления Конгрессом войны Японии, а через несколько дней - Германии и Италии . При содействии своего главного помощника Гарри Хопкинса и при очень сильной национальной поддержке он тесно сотрудничал с премьер-министром Великобритании Уинстоном Черчиллем , советским лидером Иосифом Сталиным и китайским генералиссимусом Чан Кайши в борьбе союзных держав против держав оси . Рузвельт руководил мобилизацией экономики США для поддержки военных действий и реализовал стратегию « Европа прежде всего» , сделав поражение Германии приоритетом над поражением Японии. Он также инициировал разработку первой в мире атомной бомбы и работал с другими лидерами союзников, чтобы заложить основу для Организации Объединенных Наций и других послевоенных институтов. Рузвельт был переизбран в 1944 году , но из-за ухудшения его физического здоровья в годы войны он умер в апреле 1945 года, менее чем через три месяца после своего четвертого срока. Страны Оси сдались союзникам в месяцы после смерти Рузвельта, во время президентства его преемника Гарри С. Трумэна . Рузвельт обычно считается одним из величайших президентов страны , включая Джорджа Вашингтона и Авраама Линкольна , но также подвергался существенной критике .
Ранняя жизнь и брак
Детство
Франклин Делано Рузвельт родился 30 января 1882 года в городе Гайд-парк в долине реки Гудзон , штат Нью-Йорк , в семье бизнесмена Джеймса Рузвельта I и его второй жены Сары Энн Делано . Родители Рузвельта, которые были шестыми кузенами [4], оба происходили из богатых старых нью-йоркских семей - Рузвельтов , Аспинуоллов и Делано соответственно. Предок Рузвельта по отцовской линии мигрировал в Новый Амстердам в 17 веке, и Рузвельты процветали как торговцы и землевладельцы. [5] Прародитель семьи Делано, Филип Делано , отправился в Новый Свет на счастье в 1621 году, и Делано процветали как торговцы и кораблестроители в Массачусетсе . [6] У Франклина был сводный брат Джеймс «Рози» Рузвельт от предыдущего брака его отца. [7]
Рузвельт вырос в обеспеченной семье. Его отец Джеймс окончил Гарвардскую юридическую школу в 1851 году, но решил не заниматься юридической практикой после получения наследства от своего деда, Джеймса Рузвельта . [7] Отец Рузвельта был известным бурбонским демократом, который однажды взял Франклина на встречу с президентом Гровером Кливлендом в Белом доме . [8] Президент сказал ему: «Мой маленький человечек, я загадываю тебе странное желание. Это то, что ты никогда не сможешь стать президентом Соединенных Штатов». [ править ] Его мать Сара была доминирующим влиянием в ранние годы Франклина. [9] Однажды она заявила: «Мой сын Франклин - Делано, а вовсе не Рузвельт». [4] Джеймса, которому было 54 года, когда родился Франклин, некоторые считали его отцом, хотя биограф Джеймс МакГрегор Бернс указывает, что Джеймс общался со своим сыном больше, чем это было типично в то время. [10]
Рузвельт научился ездить верхом, стрелять, грести, играть в поло и большой теннис. Он начал заниматься гольфом в подростковом возрасте, став опытным нападающим. [11] Он рано научился ходить под парусом, и когда ему было 16 лет, отец подарил ему парусную лодку. [12]
Образование и начало карьеры
Частые поездки в Европу - свою первую экскурсию он совершил в возрасте двух лет и ездил с родителями каждый год в возрасте от семи до пятнадцати лет - помогли Рузвельту овладеть немецким и французским языками. За исключением посещения государственной школы в Германии в возрасте девяти лет, [13] [14] Рузвельт обучался на дому у репетиторов до 14 лет. [15] [ необходима страница ] Затем он посещал Groton School , епископальную школу-интернат в Гротоне, штат Массачусетс , присоединение к третьей форме. [16] [ необходима страница ] Его директор, Эндикотт Пибоди , проповедовал обязанность христиан помогать менее удачливым и убеждал своих учеников поступать на государственную службу. Пибоди оставалась сильным влиянием на протяжении всей жизни Рузвельта, работая на его свадьбе и посещая его в качестве президента. [17] [18]
Как и большинство его одноклассников по Гротону, Рузвельт поступил в Гарвардский колледж . [19] Рузвельт был средним студентом в учебе, [20] и позже он заявил: «Я четыре года учился на курсах экономики в колледже, и все, чему меня учили, было неправильным». [21] Он был членом братства Alpha Delta Phi [22] и Fly Club , [23] и работал школьным чирлидером. [24] Рузвельт был относительно ничем не примечательным как студент или спортсмен, но он стал главным редактором ежедневной газеты The Harvard Crimson , что требовало больших амбиций, энергии и способности управлять другими. [25]
Отец Рузвельта умер в 1900 году, причинив ему большие страдания. [26] В следующем году пятый кузен Рузвельта Теодор Рузвельт стал президентом Соединенных Штатов. Энергичный стиль руководства и рвение к реформам Теодора сделали его образцом для подражания и героем Франклина. [27] Франклин окончил Гарвард в 1903 году со степенью бакалавра истории. Он поступил на юридический факультет Колумбийского университета в 1904 году, но бросил учебу в 1907 году после сдачи экзамена на адвоката в Нью-Йорке . [28] [б] В 1908 году он устроился на работу в престижной юридической фирме от Картера Ледьярд & Милберн , работая в фирмы адмиралтейство права разделения. [30]
Брак, семья и дела
В середине 1902 года Франклин начал ухаживать за своей будущей женой Элеонорой Рузвельт , с которой был знаком с детства. [31] Элеонора и Франклин были пятыми кузенами, когда-то удаленными, а Элеонора была племянницей Теодора Рузвельта. [32] Они начали переписываться друг с другом в 1902 году, а в октябре 1903 года [16] [ необходима страница ] Франклин сделал предложение Элеоноре о браке. [33]
17 марта 1905 года Рузвельт женился на Элеоноре, несмотря на яростное сопротивление его матери. [34] Хотя она не испытывала неприязни к Элеоноре, Сара Рузвельт относилась к своему сыну очень собственнически, считая, что он был слишком молод для брака. Она несколько раз пыталась разорвать помолвку. [35] Дядя Элеоноры, президент Теодор Рузвельт, присутствовал на свадьбе покойного отца Элеоноры, Эллиота . [36] Молодая пара переехала в Спрингвуд , поместье его семьи в Гайд-парке. Дом принадлежал Саре Рузвельт до ее смерти в 1941 году и также был ее домом. [37] Кроме того, Франклин и Сара Рузвельт спланировали и обставили таунхаус, который Сара построила для молодой пары в Нью-Йорке; Рядом с Сарой был построен дом-близнец. Элеонора никогда не чувствовала себя как дома в домах в Гайд-парке или Нью-Йорке, но ей нравился семейный загородный дом на острове Кампобелло , который Сара подарила паре. [38]
Биограф Джеймс МакГрегор Бернс сказал, что молодой Рузвельт был уверен в себе и чувствовал себя непринужденно в высшем классе. [39] Напротив, Элеонора в то время была застенчивой и не любила светскую жизнь, и сначала оставалась дома, чтобы вырастить нескольких детей. Как и его отец, Франклин оставил воспитание детей своей жене, в то время как Элеонора, в свою очередь, в основном полагалась на наемных опекунов для воспитания детей. Ссылаясь на свой ранний материнский опыт, она позже заявила, что «абсолютно ничего не знала о том, как обращаться с ребенком или кормить его». [40] Хотя Элеонора испытывала отвращение к половому акту и считала это «испытанием, которое нужно вынести», [41] у нее и Франклина было шестеро детей. Анна , Джеймс и Эллиотт родились в 1906, 1907 и 1910 годах соответственно. Второй сын пары, Франклин, умер в младенчестве в 1909 году. Другой сын, также названный Франклин , родился в 1914 году, а младший ребенок, Джон , родился в 1916 году. [42]
У Рузвельта было несколько внебрачных связей, в том числе с социальным секретарем Элеоноры Люси Мерсер , которые начались вскоре после того, как она была принята на работу в начале 1914 года. [43] В сентябре 1918 года Элеонора обнаружила в багаже Рузвельта письма, раскрывающие эту связь. Франклин подумывал о разводе с Элеонор, но Сара решительно возражала, и Люси не согласилась выйти замуж за разведенного мужчину с пятью детьми. [44] Франклин и Элеонора остались женаты, и Рузвельт пообещал никогда больше не видеть Люси. Элеонора так и не простила его по-настоящему, и с тех пор их брак стал скорее политическим партнерством. [45] Вскоре после этого Элеонора основала отдельный дом в Гайд-парке в Вал-Килле и все больше посвящала себя различным социальным и политическим делам независимо от мужа. Эмоциональный разрыв в их браке был настолько серьезным, что когда в 1942 году Рузвельт попросил Элеонору - в свете его слабого здоровья - вернуться домой и снова жить с ним, она отказалась. [46] Он не всегда знал, когда она посещала Белый дом, и какое-то время она не могла легко дозвониться до него по телефону без помощи его секретаря; Рузвельт, в свою очередь, не посещал квартиру Элеоноры в Нью-Йорке до конца 1944 года [47].
Франклин нарушил свое обещание Элеоноре воздерживаться от романов. Он и Люси поддерживали официальную переписку и снова начали встречаться в 1941 году, а может, и раньше. [48] [49] Люси была с Рузвельтом в день его смерти в 1945 году. Несмотря на это, дело Рузвельта не было широко известно до 1960-х годов. [46] Сын Рузвельта Эллиот утверждал, что у его отца был 20-летний роман с его личным секретарем Маргерит «Мисси» ЛеХанд . [50] Другой сын, Джеймс, заявил, что «существует реальная вероятность того, что романтические отношения существовали» между его отцом и кронпринцессой Норвегии Мартой , которая проживала в Белом доме во время Второй мировой войны. В то время помощники стали называть ее «подругой президента» [51], и в газетах появились сплетни, связывающие их романтично. [52]
Ранняя политическая карьера (1910–1920)
Сенатор штата Нью-Йорк (1910–1913)
Рузвельт мало увлекался юридической практикой и признавался друзьям, что планирует в конечном итоге заняться политикой. [53] Несмотря на свое восхищение своим двоюродным братом Теодором, Франклин унаследовал принадлежность своего отца к Демократической партии . [54] Перед выборами 1910 года местная Демократическая партия пригласила Рузвельта баллотироваться на место в Ассамблее штата Нью-Йорк . Рузвельт был привлекательным новобранцем для партии, потому что Теодор все еще оставался одним из самых видных политиков страны, а Рузвельт-демократ имел хорошую репутацию; кандидат также мог оплатить свою кампанию. [55] Кампания Рузвельта в законодательное собрание штата закончилась после того, как действующий президент Демократической партии Льюис Стуйвесант Ченлер решил переизбраться. Вместо того, чтобы отложить свои политические надежды, Рузвельт баллотировался в сенат штата. [56] Сенатский округ, расположенный в округах Датчесс , Колумбия и Патнэм , был строго республиканским . [57] Рузвельт опасался, что открытая оппозиция Теодора может эффективно положить конец его кампании, но Теодор в частном порядке поддержал кандидатуру своего кузена, несмотря на их различия в партийной принадлежности. [54] Выступая в качестве руководителя своей собственной кампании, Рузвельт путешествовал по сенатскому округу на автомобиле в то время, когда многие не могли позволить себе автомобили. [58] Благодаря своей агрессивной и эффективной кампании, [59] влиянию имени Рузвельта в Гудзонской долине и убедительному оползню демократов на выборах в США в 1910 году Рузвельт победил, удивив почти всех. [60]
Хотя законодательные заседания редко длились более десяти недель, Рузвельт относился к своей новой должности как к полноценной карьере. [61] Принимая свое место на 1 января 1911 года Рузвельт сразу же стал лидером группы «Повстанцы» , которые выступали против марионеточная система власти в Тамани Холла машины , господствовавший государственную демократическую партию. На выборах в Сенат США в 1911 году , которые были определены на совместном заседании законодательного собрания штата Нью-Йорк, [c] Рузвельт и девятнадцать других демократов зашли в длительный тупик, выступив против ряда кандидатов, поддерживаемых Таммани. Наконец, Таммани поддержал Джеймса А. О'Гормана , уважаемого судью, которого Рузвельт счел приемлемым, и О'Горман выиграл выборы в конце марта. [62] Рузвельт вскоре стал популярной фигурой среди нью-йоркских демократов, хотя он еще не стал красноречивым оратором. [60] Новостные статьи и карикатуры начали изображать «второе пришествие Рузвельта», вызвавшее «холодную дрожь по спине Таммани». [63]
Рузвельт, снова выступивший против Таммани Холла, поддержал успешную заявку губернатора Нью-Джерси Вудро Вильсона на выдвижение от Демократической партии 1912 года , заслужив неофициальное обозначение как оригинальный человек Вильсона. [64] Выборы превратились в трехстороннее соревнование, поскольку Теодор Рузвельт покинул Республиканскую партию, чтобы начать стороннюю кампанию против Вильсона и действующего президента-республиканца Уильяма Ховарда Тафта . Решение Франклина поддержать Вильсона вместо Теодора Рузвельта на всеобщих выборах оттолкнуло некоторых членов его семьи, хотя сам Теодор не обиделся. [65] Победа Уилсона над расколотой Республиканской партией сделала его первым демократом, победившим на президентских выборах с 1892 года. Преодолев схватку с брюшным тифом и при широкой поддержке журналиста Луи МакГенри Хоу , Рузвельт был переизбран на выборах 1912 года . После выборов он недолгое время занимал пост председателя комитета по сельскому хозяйству, и его успех с сельскохозяйственными и трудовыми законами стал предвестником его политики Нового курса двадцать лет спустя. [66] К этому времени он стал более прогрессивным в поддержке трудовых и социальных программ для женщин и детей; двоюродный брат Теодор имел некоторое влияние на эти вопросы. [67]
Поддержка Рузвельтом Вильсона привела к его назначению в марте 1913 года помощником министра флота , вторым по рангу чиновником военно-морского ведомства после министра Джозефуса Дэниэлса . [68] Рузвельт всю жизнь питал привязанность к флоту - он уже собрал почти 10 000 военно-морских книг и утверждал, что прочитал все, кроме одной - и был более горячим, чем Дэниелс, в поддержке крупных и эффективных военно-морских сил. [69] [70] При поддержке Вильсона Дэниелс и Рузвельт учредили систему продвижения по службе, основанную на заслугах, и провели другие реформы, чтобы расширить гражданский контроль над автономными департаментами ВМФ. [71] Рузвельт руководил гражданскими служащими ВМФ и заслужил уважение профсоюзов за свою справедливость в разрешении споров. [72] За семь с лишним лет в офисе не было ни одной забастовки, [73] во время которой Рузвельт приобрел опыт в вопросах труда, государственного управления в военное время, военно-морских вопросов и логистики - все это важные области для будущего офиса. [74]
В 1914 году Рузвельт принял непродуманное решение баллотироваться на пост уходящего в отставку сенатора-республиканца от Нью-Йорка Элиху Рута . Хотя Рузвельт заручился поддержкой министра финансов Уильяма Гиббса Макаду и губернатора Мартина Х. Глинна , он столкнулся с грозным противником в лице Джеймса У. Джерарда, поддерживаемого Таммани . [75] Ему также не хватало поддержки Вильсона, поскольку Уилсон нуждался в силах Таммани, чтобы помочь выстроить свой законопроект и обеспечить его переизбрание в 1916 году. [76] Рузвельт потерпел сокрушительное поражение на праймериз Демократической партии Джерардом, который, в свою очередь, проиграл всеобщие выборы республиканцу Джеймсу Уолкотту Уодсворт-младший. Рузвельт извлек ценный урок: только федеральное покровительство без поддержки Белого дома не могло победить сильного местного жителя. организация. [77] После выборов Рузвельт и босс машины Таммани-холла Чарльз Фрэнсис Мерфи искали компромисс друг с другом и стали политическими союзниками. [78]
После своего поражения на предварительных выборах в Сенате Рузвельт переориентировался на военно-морское ведомство. [79] Первая мировая война вспыхнула в июле 1914 года, с центральными державами в Германии , Австро-Венгрии , и Османской империи , стремящейся разгромить союзников Пауэрс из Великобритании , Франции и России . Хотя он по-прежнему публично поддерживал Вильсона, Рузвельт симпатизировал Движению готовности , лидеры которого решительно поддерживали союзные державы и призывали к наращиванию военной мощи. [80] Администрация Вильсона инициировала расширение военно-морского флота после затопления немецкой подводной лодки RMS Lusitania , а Рузвельт помог создать Военно-морской резерв США и Совет национальной обороны . [81] В апреле 1917 года, после того как Германия заявила, что будет вести неограниченную подводную войну и атаковала несколько американских кораблей, Вильсон попросил Конгресс объявить войну. Конгресс одобрил объявление войны Германии 6 апреля. [82]
Рузвельт просил, чтобы ему разрешили служить военно-морским офицером, но Уилсон настоял на том, чтобы он продолжал служить помощником министра флота. В течение следующего года Рузвельт оставался в Вашингтоне, чтобы координировать мобилизацию, снабжение и развертывание военно-морских судов и персонала. [83] За первые шесть месяцев после того, как США вступили в войну, военно-морской флот увеличился в четыре раза. [84] Летом 1918 года Рузвельт отправился в Европу, чтобы осмотреть военно-морские объекты и встретиться с французскими и британскими официальными лицами. В сентябре он вернулся в Соединенные Штаты на борту USS Левиафан , большой бронетранспортер. Во время 11-дневного плавания вирус пандемического гриппа поразил и убил многих на борту. Рузвельт сильно заболел гриппом и осложненной пневмонией, но выздоровел к тому времени, когда корабль приземлился в Нью-Йорке. [85] [86] После того, как Германия подписала перемирие в ноябре 1918 года, сдалась и прекратила боевые действия, Дэниелс и Рузвельт руководили демобилизацией военно-морского флота. [87] Вопреки совету старших офицеров, таких как адмирал Уильям Бенсон, который утверждал, что не может «представить себе какое-либо использование флота для авиации», Рузвельт лично приказал сохранить авиационную дивизию ВМФ . [88] Когда администрация Вильсона подошла к концу, Рузвельт начал планировать свою следующую кандидатуру на пост президента. Рузвельт и его соратники обратились к Герберту Гуверу с предложением баллотироваться в президенты от Демократической партии в 1920 году с Рузвельтом в качестве его напарника. [89]
Кампания за вице-президента (1920)
План Рузвельта убедить Гувера баллотироваться от Демократической партии провалился после того, как Гувер публично объявил себя республиканцем, но Рузвельт, тем не менее, решил добиваться выдвижения на пост вице-президента в 1920 году . После того, как губернатор штата Огайо Джеймс М. Кокс выиграл кандидатуру партии в президенты на Демократическом национальном съезде 1920 года , он выбрал Рузвельта своим кандидатом на пост кандидата, и партия официально выдвинула Рузвельта путем аккламации . [90] Хотя его назначение удивило большинство людей, Рузвельт уравнял счет как умеренный, вильсонианец и сторонник запретов с известным именем. [91] [92] Рузвельту только что исполнилось 38 лет, на четыре года моложе Теодора, когда он получил такое же назначение от своей партии. Рузвельт ушел с поста помощника министра флота после съезда демократов и провел кампанию по всей стране за билет Кокса – Рузвельта. [93]
Во время кампании Кокс и Рузвельт защищали администрацию Вильсона и Лигу Наций , обе из которых были непопулярны в 1920 году. [94] Рузвельт лично поддерживал членство США в Лиге Наций, но, в отличие от Вильсона, он выступал за компромисс с сенатором Генри. Кэбот Лодж и другие «сторонники резервирования». [95] Билет Кокса – Рузвельта потерпел поражение от республиканцев Уоррена Г. Хардинга и Кэлвина Кулиджа на президентских выборах с большим отрывом, а билет от республиканцев получил все штаты за пределами Юга. [96] Рузвельт без проблем принял потерю и позже подумал, что отношения и добрая воля, которые он построил в кампании 1920 года, оказались главным преимуществом в его кампании 1932 года. В выборах 1920 года впервые в обществе приняла участие Элеонора Рузвельт, которая при поддержке Луи Хоу зарекомендовала себя как ценный политический союзник. [97]
Паралитическая болезнь и политическое возвращение (1921–1928)
После выборов Рузвельт вернулся в Нью-Йорк, где он занимался юридической практикой и занимал должность вице-президента компании Fidelity and Deposit Company . [98] Он также стремился заручиться поддержкой своего политического возвращения на выборах 1922 года , но его карьера была сорвана из-за болезни. [98] В августе 1921 года, когда Рузвельты отдыхали на острове Кампобелло, он заболел. Его основными симптомами были лихорадка; симметричный восходящий паралич; паралич лицевого нерва; дисфункция кишечника и мочевого пузыря; онемение и гиперестезия; и нисходящая модель восстановления. Рузвельт остался навсегда парализованным ниже пояса. В то время ему поставили диагноз полиомиелит , но теперь считается, что его симптомы больше соответствуют синдрому Гийена-Барре - аутоиммунной нейропатии, которую врачи Рузвельта не рассматривали как диагностическую возможность. [99]
Хотя его мать поддерживала его уход из общественной жизни, Рузвельт, его жена и близкий друг и советник Рузвельта Луи Хоу были полны решимости продолжить его политическую карьеру. [100] Он убедил многих людей, что он улучшается, что, по его мнению, было очень важно, прежде чем снова баллотироваться на государственные должности. [101] Он кропотливо научился ходить на короткие расстояния, нося железные скобы на бедрах и ногах, поворачивая туловище и опираясь на трость. [102] Он был осторожен, чтобы его никогда не видели передвигающимся в инвалидном кресле на публике, и большое внимание было уделено тому, чтобы любое изображение в прессе не освещало его инвалидность. [103] Однако его инвалидность была хорошо известна до и во время его президентства и стала важной частью его имиджа. Обычно он появлялся на публике стоя, поддерживаемый с одной стороны помощником или одним из его сыновей. [104]
Начиная с 1925 года, Рузвельт проводил большую часть своего времени на юге Соединенных Штатов, сначала на своем плавучем доме Лароко . [105] Заинтригованный потенциальными преимуществами гидротерапии , он в 1926 году основал реабилитационный центр в Варм-Спрингс, штат Джорджия. Для создания реабилитационного центра он собрал штат физиотерапевтов и использовал большую часть своего наследства для покупки гостиницы «Мерриуэзер». В 1938 году он основал Национальный фонд детского паралича , что привело к разработке вакцин против полиомиелита. [106]
Рузвельт поддерживал контакты с Демократической партией в течение 1920-х годов, и он оставался активным в политике Нью-Йорка, а также устанавливал контакты на Юге, особенно в Джорджии. [107] Он опубликовал открытое письмо, в котором одобрил успешную кампанию Эла Смита на выборах губернатора Нью-Йорка в 1922 году, что помогло Смиту и продемонстрировало неизменную значимость Рузвельта как политической фигуры. [108] Рузвельт и Смит происходили из разных слоев общества и никогда полностью не доверяли друг другу, но Рузвельт поддерживал прогрессивную политику Смита, в то время как Смит был счастлив получить поддержку со стороны видного и уважаемого Рузвельта. [109]
Рузвельт произносил речи о выдвижении Смита в президенты на съездах Демократической партии 1924 и 1928 годов; Речь на съезде 1924 года ознаменовала возвращение к общественной жизни после его болезни и выздоровления. [110] В том году демократы были сильно разделены между городским крылом, возглавляемым Смитом, и консервативным, сельским крылом, возглавляемым Уильямом Гиббсом Макаду , на 101-м туре голосования кандидатуру выдвинул Джон У. Дэвис , компромиссный кандидат. который потерпел сокрушительное поражение на президентских выборах 1924 года . Как и многие другие в Соединенных Штатах, Рузвельт не воздерживался от алкоголя в эпоху сухого закона, но публично он стремился найти компромисс по запрету, приемлемый для обоих крыльев партии. [111]
В 1925 году Смит назначил Рузвельта членом Комиссии государственного парка Таконик , и его коллеги-комиссары выбрали его председателем. [112] В этой роли он вступил в конфликт с Робертом Мозесом , протеже Смита, [112] который был главной силой, стоявшей за Комиссией Парков штата Лонг-Айленд и Советом парков штата Нью-Йорк. [112] Рузвельт обвинил Моисея в том, что он использовал признание имен выдающихся личностей, включая Рузвельта, чтобы заручиться политической поддержкой государственных парков, но затем перенаправил средства на те, которые Моисей предпочитал на Лонг-Айленде, в то время как Моисей пытался заблокировать назначение Хоу на оплачиваемую должность. в качестве секретаря комиссии Taconic. [112] Рузвельт служил в комиссии до конца 1928 года, [113] и его противоречивые отношения с Моисеем продолжались по мере развития их карьеры. [114]
Губернатор Нью-Йорка (1929–1932)
В качестве кандидата в президенты от Демократической партии на выборах 1928 года Смит, в свою очередь, попросил Рузвельта баллотироваться на пост губернатора на выборах штата . [115] Рузвельт первоначально сопротивлялся мольбам Смита и других членов партии, так как он не хотел покидать Варм-Спрингс и опасался оползня республиканцев в 1928 году. [116] Он согласился бежать, когда партийные лидеры убедили его, что только он может победить Кандидат в губернаторы от республиканцев, генеральный прокурор Нью-Йорка Альберт Оттингер . [117] Рузвельт выиграл от партии кандидатуру губернатора путем одобрения и снова обратился к Хоу, чтобы тот возглавил свою кампанию. К Рузвельту также присоединились в предвыборной кампании Сэмюэл Розенман , Фрэнсис Перкинс и Джеймс Фарли , которые стали важными политическими соратниками. [118] В то время как Смит потерпел сокрушительное поражение и потерпел поражение в своем родном штате, Рузвельт был избран губернатором с перевесом в один процент. [119] Избрание Рузвельта губернатором самого густонаселенного штата немедленно сделало его претендентом на следующих президентских выборах. [120]
Вступив в должность в январе 1929 года, Рузвельт предложил построить серию гидроэлектростанций и попытался разрешить продолжающийся фермерский кризис 1920-х годов . [121] Отношения между Рузвельтом и Смитом ухудшились после того, как Рузвельт решил не сохранять ключевых назначенцев Смита, таких как Моисей. [122] Рузвельт и его жена Элеонора установили политическое взаимопонимание, которое продлится на протяжении всей его политической карьеры; она будет покорно служить женой губернатора, но также будет свободна преследовать свои собственные интересы и интересы. [123] Он также начал проводить «беседы у камина», в которых он напрямую обращался к своим избирателям по радио, часто используя эти чаты, чтобы оказать давление на Законодательное собрание штата Нью-Йорк, чтобы продвинуть свою повестку дня. [124]
В октябре 1929 года произошел крах на Уолл-стрит , и страна начала скатываться в Великую депрессию . [125] В то время как президент Гувер и многие губернаторы штатов считали, что экономический кризис утихнет, Рузвельт осознал серьезность ситуации и учредил комиссию по занятости штата. Он также стал первым губернатором, публично поддержавшим идею страхования от безработицы . [126]
Когда Рузвельт начал свою кандидатуру на второй срок в мае 1930 года, он повторил свою доктрину из предвыборной кампании двумя годами ранее: «это прогрессивное правительство по своим условиям должно быть живым и растущим, что борьба за него бесконечна и что если мы остановимся на одно мгновение или на один год, мы не просто остановимся, но и отступим назад на марше цивилизации ». [127] Он работал на платформе, которая призывала к помощи фермерам, полной занятости , страхованию от безработицы и пенсиям по старости. [128] Его оппонент-республиканец не смог преодолеть критику общественности в адрес Республиканской партии во время экономического спада, и Рузвельт был избран на второй срок с перевесом в 14%. [129]
Поскольку администрация Гувера сопротивлялась предложениям напрямую обратиться к экономическому кризису, Рузвельт предложил пакет экономической помощи и создание Временной администрации по оказанию чрезвычайной помощи для распределения этих средств. Возглавляемое сначала Джесси И. Штраусом, а затем Гарри Хопкинсом , агентство помогло более одной трети населения Нью-Йорка в период с 1932 по 1938 год. [130] Рузвельт также начал расследование коррупции в Нью-Йорке среди судебных органов и полиции. сила и организованная преступность, побудившие создать Комиссию Сибери . В результате многие государственные служащие были отстранены от должности. [131]
1932 президентские выборы
По мере приближения президентских выборов 1932 года Рузвельт все больше обращал внимание на национальную политику. Он создал группу предвыборной кампании во главе с Хоу и Фарли и « мозговой трест » советников по вопросам политики. [132] В условиях ослабления экономики многие демократы надеялись, что выборы 1932 года приведут к избранию первого президента-демократа после Вудро Вильсона.
Переизбрание Рузвельта на пост губернатора сделало его лидером на выборах президента от демократов в 1932 году. Рузвельт сплотил прогрессивных сторонников администрации Вильсона, а также обратился ко многим консерваторам, зарекомендовав себя как ведущий кандидат на Юге и Западе. Основное сопротивление кандидатуре Рузвельта исходило от консерваторов с северо-востока, таких как Эл Смит, кандидат в президенты от демократов 1928 года. Смит надеялся лишить Рузвельта поддержки в две трети, необходимой для того, чтобы выиграть кандидатуру партии в президенты на Национальном съезде Демократической партии 1932 года в Чикаго, а затем выдвинуться в качестве кандидата после нескольких раундов голосования.
Рузвельт вошел в съезд с делегатом из-за его успеха на праймериз Демократической партии 1932 года , но большинство делегатов вошли на съезд без каких-либо привязок к конкретному кандидату. На первом президентском голосовании съезда Рузвельт получил голоса более половины, но менее двух третей делегатов, а Смит занял далеко второе место. Спикер палаты представителей Джон Нэнс Гарнер , контролировавший голоса в Техасе и Калифорнии, поддержал Рузвельта после третьего голосования, и Рузвельт получил свою кандидатуру в четвертом туре. При небольшом участии Рузвельта Гарнер выиграл кандидатуру вице-президента. Рузвельт прилетел из Нью-Йорка, узнав, что он победил в этой номинации, став первым кандидатом в президенты от крупной партии, который принял назначение лично. [133]
В своей благодарственной речи Рузвельт заявил: «Я клянусь, я клянусь заключить новую сделку для американского народа ... Это больше, чем политическая кампания. Это призыв к оружию». [134] Рузвельт пообещал регулирование ценных бумаг, снижение тарифов , помощь хозяйствам, общественные работы, финансируемые государством, и другие действия правительства по борьбе с Великой депрессией. [135] Отражая изменение общественного мнения, Демократическая платформа включала призыв к отмене сухого закона; Сам Рузвельт не занимал публичной позиции по этому вопросу до съезда, но пообещал придерживаться партийной платформы. [136]
После съезда Рузвельт получил поддержку нескольких прогрессивных республиканцев, в том числе Джорджа Норриса , Хайрама Джонсона и Роберта Ла Фоллета-младшего [137]. Он также примирился с консервативным крылом партии, и даже Эла Смита убедили поддержать демократический билет. . [138] Действия Гувера с Бонусной армией еще больше подорвали популярность действующего президента, поскольку газеты по всей стране критиковали использование силы для разгона собравшихся ветеранов. [139]
Рузвельт получил 57% голосов избирателей и выиграл все, кроме шести штатов. Историки и политологи считают выборы 1932–1936 годов политической перестройкой . Победа Рузвельта стала возможной благодаря созданию коалиции Нового курса , мелких фермеров, белых южан, католиков, политических машин больших городов, профсоюзов, северных афроамериканцев (южане все еще были лишены избирательных прав), евреев, интеллектуалов и политических либералов. [140] Создание коалиции «Новый курс» изменило американскую политику и положило начало тому, что политологи называют «партийной системой нового курса» или системой пятой партии . [141] Между Гражданской войной и 1929 годом демократы редко контролировали обе палаты Конгресса и выиграли только четыре из семнадцати президентских выборов; с 1932 по 1979 год демократы выиграли восемь из двенадцати президентских выборов и в целом контролировали обе палаты Конгресса. [142]
Президентство (1933–1945)
Roosevelt in 1944 | ||||
| Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt March 4, 1933 – April 12, 1945 | ||||
President | Franklin D. Roosevelt | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cabinet | See list | |||
| Party | Democratic | |||
| Election |
| |||
| Seat | White House | |||
| ||||
As president, Roosevelt appointed powerful men to top positions but made all the major decisions, regardless of delays, inefficiency or resentment. Analyzing the president's administrative style, historian James MacGregor Burns concludes:
The president stayed in charge of his administration...by drawing fully on his formal and informal powers as Chief Executive; by raising goals, creating momentum, inspiring a personal loyalty, getting the best out of people...by deliberately fostering among his aides a sense of competition and a clash of wills that led to disarray, heartbreak, and anger but also set off pulses of executive energy and sparks of creativity...by handing out one job to several men and several jobs to one man, thus strengthening his own position as a court of appeals, as a depository of information, and as a tool of co-ordination; by ignoring or bypassing collective decision-making agencies, such as the Cabinet...and always by persuading, flattering, juggling, improvising, reshuffling, harmonizing, conciliating, manipulating.[143]
Transition
Roosevelt was elected in November 1932 but, like his predecessors, did not take office until the following March.[d] After the election, President Hoover sought to convince Roosevelt to renounce much of his campaign platform and to endorse the Hoover administration's policies.[144] Roosevelt refused Hoover's request to develop a joint program to stop the downward economic spiral, claiming that it would tie his hands and that Hoover had all the power to act if necessary.[145] The economy spiraled downward until the banking system began a complete nationwide shutdown as Hoover's term ended.[146] Roosevelt used the transition period to select the personnel for his incoming administration, and he chose Howe as his chief of staff, Farley as Postmaster General, and Frances Perkins as Secretary of Labor. William H. Woodin, a Republican industrialist close to Roosevelt, was the choice for Secretary of the Treasury, while Roosevelt chose Senator Cordell Hull of Tennessee as Secretary of State. Harold L. Ickes and Henry A. Wallace, two progressive Republicans, were selected for the roles of Secretary of the Interior and Secretary of Agriculture, respectively.[147] In February 1933, Roosevelt escaped an assassination attempt by Giuseppe Zangara, who expressed a "hate for all rulers." Attempting to shoot Roosevelt, Zangara instead mortally wounded Chicago Mayor Anton Cermak, who was sitting alongside Roosevelt.[148][149]
First and second terms (1933–1941)
When Roosevelt was inaugurated on March 4, 1933, the U.S. was at the nadir of the worst depression in its history. A quarter of the workforce was unemployed. Farmers were in deep trouble as prices had fallen by 60%. Industrial production had fallen by more than half since 1929. Two million people were homeless. By the evening of March 4, 32 of the 48 states – as well as the District of Columbia – had closed their banks.[150]
Historians categorized Roosevelt's program as "relief, recovery, and reform." Relief was urgently needed by tens of millions of unemployed. Recovery meant boosting the economy back to normal. Reform meant long-term fixes of what was wrong, especially with the financial and banking systems. Through Roosevelt's series of radio talks, known as fireside chats, he presented his proposals directly to the American public.[151] Energized by his personal victory over his paralytic illness, Roosevelt relied on his persistent optimism and activism to renew the national spirit.[152]
First New Deal (1933–1934)
On his second day in office, Roosevelt declared a four-day national "bank holiday" and called for a special session of Congress to start March 9, on which date Congress passed the Emergency Banking Act.[153] The act, which was based on a plan developed by the Hoover administration and Wall Street bankers, gave the president the power to determine the opening and closing of banks and authorized the Federal Reserve Banks to issue banknotes.[154] The ensuing "First 100 Days" of the 73rd United States Congress saw an unprecedented amount of legislation[155] and set a benchmark against which future presidents would be compared.[156] When the banks reopened on Monday, March 15, stock prices rose by 15 percent and bank deposits exceeded withdrawals, thus ending the bank panic.[157] On March 22, Roosevelt signed the Cullen–Harrison Act, which effectively ended federal Prohibition.[158]
Roosevelt presided over the establishment of several agencies and measures designed to provide relief for the unemployed and others in need. The Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), under the leadership of Harry Hopkins, was designed to distribute relief to state governments.[159] The Public Works Administration (PWA), under the leadership of Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, was created to oversee the construction of large-scale public works such as dams, bridges, and schools.[159] The most popular of all New Deal agencies – and Roosevelt's favorite – was the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), which hired 250,000 unemployed young men to work on local rural projects. Roosevelt also expanded a Hoover agency, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, making it a major source of financing for railroads and industry. Congress gave the Federal Trade Commission broad new regulatory powers and provided mortgage relief to millions of farmers and homeowners. Roosevelt also made agricultural relief a high priority and set up the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA). The AAA tried to force higher prices for commodities by paying farmers to leave land uncultivated and to cut herds.[160]
Reform of the economy was the goal of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) of 1933. It sought to end cutthroat competition by forcing industries to establish rules of operation for all firms within specific industries, such as minimum prices, agreements not to compete, and production restrictions. Industry leaders negotiated the rules which were approved by NIRA officials. Industry needed to raise wages as a condition for approval. Provisions encouraged unions and suspended antitrust laws. NIRA was found to be unconstitutional by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court in May 1935; Roosevelt strongly protested the decision.[161] Roosevelt reformed the financial regulatory structure of the nation with the Glass–Steagall Act, creating the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) to underwrite savings deposits. The act also sought to curb speculation by limiting affiliations between commercial banks and securities firms.[162] In 1934, the Securities and Exchange Commission was created to regulate the trading of securities, while the Federal Communications Commission was established to regulate telecommunications.[163]
Recovery was pursued through federal spending.[164] The NIRA included $3.3 billion (equivalent to $65.97 billion in 2020) of spending through the Public Works Administration. Roosevelt worked with Senator Norris to create the largest government-owned industrial enterprise in American history — the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) — which built dams and power stations, controlled floods, and modernized agriculture and home conditions in the poverty-stricken Tennessee Valley. Executive Order 6102 declared that all privately held gold of American citizens was to be sold to the U.S. Treasury and the price raised from $20 to $35 per ounce. The goal was to counter the deflation which was paralyzing the economy.[165]
Roosevelt tried to keep his campaign promise by cutting the federal budget — including a reduction in military spending from $752 million in 1932 to $531 million in 1934 and a 40% cut in spending on veterans benefits — by removing 500,000 veterans and widows from the pension rolls and reducing benefits for the remainder, as well as cutting the salaries of federal employees and reducing spending on research and education. But the veterans were well organized and strongly protested, and most benefits were restored or increased by 1934.[166] Veterans groups such as the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars won their campaign to transform their benefits from payments due in 1945 to immediate cash when Congress overrode the President's veto and passed the Bonus Act in January 1936.[167] It pumped sums equal to 2% of the GDP into the consumer economy and had a major stimulus effect.[168]
Second New Deal (1935–1936)
Roosevelt expected that his party would lose several races in the 1934 Congressional elections, as the president's party had done in most previous midterm elections, but the Democrats picked up seats in both houses of Congress. Empowered by the public's apparent vote of confidence in his administration, the first item on Roosevelt's agenda in the 74th Congress was the creation of a social insurance program.[169] The Social Security Act established Social Security and promised economic security for the elderly, the poor and the sick. Roosevelt insisted that it should be funded by payroll taxes rather than from the general fund, saying, "We put those payroll contributions there so as to give the contributors a legal, moral, and political right to collect their pensions and unemployment benefits. With those taxes in there, no damn politician can ever scrap my social security program."[170] Compared with the social security systems in western European countries, the Social Security Act of 1935 was rather conservative. But for the first time, the federal government took responsibility for the economic security of the aged, the temporarily unemployed, dependent children, and the handicapped.[171] Against Roosevelt's original intention for universal coverage, the act only applied to roughly sixty percent of the labor force, as farmers, domestic workers, and other groups were excluded.[172]
Roosevelt consolidated the various relief organizations, though some, like the PWA, continued to exist. After winning Congressional authorization for further funding of relief efforts, Roosevelt established the Works Progress Administration (WPA). Under the leadership of Harry Hopkins, the WPA employed over three million people in its first year of existence. The WPA undertook numerous construction projects and provided funding to the National Youth Administration and arts organizations.[173]
Senator Robert Wagner wrote the National Labor Relations Act, which guaranteed workers the right to collective bargaining through unions of their own choice. The act also established the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to facilitate wage agreements and to suppress the repeated labor disturbances. The Wagner Act did not compel employers to reach an agreement with their employees, but it opened possibilities for American labor.[174] The result was a tremendous growth of membership in the labor unions, especially in the mass-production sector.[175] When the Flint sit-down strike threatened the production of General Motors, Roosevelt broke with the precedent set by many former presidents and refused to intervene; the strike ultimately led to the unionization of both General Motors and its rivals in the American automobile industry.[176]
While the First New Deal of 1933 had broad support from most sectors, the Second New Deal challenged the business community. Conservative Democrats, led by Al Smith, fought back with the American Liberty League, savagely attacking Roosevelt and equating him with Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin.[177] But Smith overplayed his hand, and his boisterous rhetoric let Roosevelt isolate his opponents and identify them with the wealthy vested interests that opposed the New Deal, strengthening Roosevelt for the 1936 landslide.[177] By contrast, labor unions, energized by the Wagner Act, signed up millions of new members and became a major backer of Roosevelt's reelections in 1936, 1940 and 1944.[178]
Biographer James M. Burns suggests that Roosevelt's policy decisions were guided more by pragmatism than ideology and that he "was like the general of a guerrilla army whose columns, fighting blindly in the mountains through dense ravines and thickets, suddenly converge, half by plan and half by coincidence, and debouch into the plain below."[179] Roosevelt argued that such apparently haphazard methodology was necessary. "The country needs and, unless I mistake its temper, the country demands bold, persistent experimentation," he wrote. "It is common sense to take a method and try it; if it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try something."[180]
Re-election, 1936
Though eight million workers remained unemployed in 1936, economic conditions had improved since 1932 and Roosevelt was widely popular. An attempt by Louisiana Senator Huey Long and other individuals to organize a left-wing alternative to the Democratic Party collapsed after Long's assassination in 1935.[181] Roosevelt won re-nomination with little opposition at the 1936 Democratic National Convention, while his allies overcame Southern resistance to permanently abolish the long-established rule that had required Democratic presidential candidates to win the votes of two-thirds of the delegates rather than a simple majority.[e] The Republicans nominated Kansas Governor Alf Landon, a well-respected but bland candidate whose chances were damaged by the public re-emergence of the still-unpopular Herbert Hoover.[183] While Roosevelt campaigned on his New Deal programs and continued to attack Hoover, Landon sought to win voters who approved of the goals of the New Deal but disagreed with its implementation.[184]
In the election against Landon and a third-party candidate, Roosevelt won 60.8% of the vote and carried every state except Maine and Vermont.[185] The Democratic ticket won the highest proportion of the popular vote.[f] Democrats also expanded their majorities in Congress, winning control of over three-quarters of the seats in each house. The election also saw the consolidation of the New Deal coalition; while the Democrats lost some of their traditional allies in big business, they were replaced by groups such as organized labor and African Americans, the latter of whom voted Democratic for the first time since the Civil War.[186] Roosevelt lost high-income voters, especially businessmen and professionals, but made major gains among the poor and minorities. He won 86 percent of the Jewish vote, 81 percent of Catholics, 80 percent of union members, 76 percent of Southerners, 76 percent of blacks in northern cities, and 75 percent of people on relief. Roosevelt carried 102 of the country's 106 cities with a population of 100,000 or more.[187]
Supreme Court fight and second term legislation
| Supreme Court appointments by President Franklin D. Roosevelt[188] | ||
|---|---|---|
| Position | Name | Term |
| Chief Justice | Harlan Fiske Stone | 1941–1946 |
| Associate Justice | Hugo Black | 1937–1971 |
| Stanley Forman Reed | 1938–1957 | |
| Felix Frankfurter | 1939–1962 | |
| William O. Douglas | 1939–1975 | |
| Frank Murphy | 1940–1949 | |
| James F. Byrnes | 1941–1942 | |
| Robert H. Jackson | 1941–1954 | |
| Wiley Blount Rutledge | 1943–1949 | |
The Supreme Court became Roosevelt's primary domestic focus during his second term after the court overturned many of his programs, including NIRA. The more conservative members of the court upheld the principles of the Lochner era, which saw numerous economic regulations struck down on the basis of freedom of contract.[189] Roosevelt proposed the Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937, which would have allowed him to appoint an additional Justice for each incumbent Justice over the age of 70; in 1937, there were six Supreme Court Justices over the age of 70. The size of the Court had been set at nine since the passage of the Judiciary Act of 1869, and Congress had altered the number of Justices six other times throughout U.S. history.[190] Roosevelt's "court packing" plan ran into intense political opposition from his own party, led by Vice President Garner, since it upset the separation of powers.[191] A bipartisan coalition of liberals and conservatives of both parties opposed the bill, and Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes broke with precedent by publicly advocating the defeat of the bill. Any chance of passing the bill ended with the death of Senate Majority Leader Joseph Taylor Robinson in July 1937.[192]
Starting with the 1937 case of West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, the court began to take a more favorable view of economic regulations. That same year, Roosevelt appointed a Supreme Court Justice for the first time, and by 1941, seven of the nine Justices had been appointed by Roosevelt.[g][193] After Parish, the Court shifted its focus from judicial review of economic regulations to the protection of civil liberties.[194] Four of Roosevelt's Supreme Court appointees, Felix Frankfurter, Robert H. Jackson, Hugo Black, and William O. Douglas, would be particularly influential in re-shaping the jurisprudence of the Court.[195][196]
With Roosevelt's influence on the wane following the failure of the Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937, conservative Democrats joined with Republicans to block the implementation of further New Deal programs.[197] Roosevelt did manage to pass some legislation, including the Housing Act of 1937, a second Agricultural Adjustment Act, and the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) of 1938, which was the last major piece of New Deal legislation. The FLSA outlawed child labor, established a federal minimum wage, and required overtime pay for certain employees who work in excess of forty-hours per week.[198] He also won passage of the Reorganization Act of 1939 and subsequently created the Executive Office of the President, making it "the nerve center of the federal administrative system."[199] When the economy began to deteriorate again in late 1937, Roosevelt asked Congress for $5 billion (equivalent to $90.01 billion in 2020) in relief and public works funding. This managed to eventually create as many as 3.3 million WPA jobs by 1938. Projects accomplished under the WPA ranged from new federal courthouses and post offices to facilities and infrastructure for national parks, bridges and other infrastructure across the country, and architectural surveys and archaeological excavations — investments to construct facilities and preserve important resources. Beyond this, however, Roosevelt recommended to a special congressional session only a permanent national farm act, administrative reorganization, and regional planning measures, all of which were leftovers from a regular session. According to Burns, this attempt illustrated Roosevelt's inability to decide on a basic economic program.[200]
Determined to overcome the opposition of conservative Democrats in Congress, Roosevelt became involved in the 1938 Democratic primaries, actively campaigning for challengers who were more supportive of New Deal reform. Roosevelt failed badly, managing to defeat only one target, a conservative Democrat from New York City.[201] In the November 1938 elections, Democrats lost six Senate seats and 71 House seats, with losses concentrated among pro-New Deal Democrats. When Congress reconvened in 1939, Republicans under Senator Robert Taft formed a Conservative coalition with Southern Democrats, virtually ending Roosevelt's ability to enact his domestic proposals.[202] Despite their opposition to Roosevelt's domestic policies, many of these conservative Congressmen would provide crucial support for Roosevelt's foreign policy before and during World War II.[203]
Conservation and the environment
Roosevelt had a lifelong interest in the environment and conservation starting with his youthful interest in forestry on his family estate. Although Roosevelt was never an outdoorsman or sportsman on Theodore Roosevelt's scale, his growth of the national systems were comparable.[6] Roosevelt was active in expanding, funding, and promoting the National Park and National Forest systems.[204] Under Roosevelt, their popularity soared, from three million visitors a year at the start of the decade to 15.5 million in 1939.[205] The Civilian Conservation Corps enrolled 3.4 million young men and built 13,000 miles (21,000 kilometres) of trails, planted two billion trees, and upgraded 125,000 miles (201,000 kilometres) of dirt roads. Every state had its own state parks, and Roosevelt made sure that WPA and CCC projects were set up to upgrade them as well as the national systems.[206][207]
GNP and unemployment rates
| Year | Lebergott | Darby |
|---|---|---|
| 1929 | 3.2 | 3.2 |
| 1932 | 23.6 | 22.9 |
| 1933 | 24.9 | 20.6 |
| 1934 | 21.7 | 16.0 |
| 1935 | 20.1 | 14.2 |
| 1936 | 16.9 | 9.9 |
| 1937 | 14.3 | 9.1 |
| 1938 | 19.0 | 12.5 |
| 1939 | 17.2 | 11.3 |
| 1940 | 14.6 | 9.5 |
Government spending increased from 8.0% of gross national product (GNP) under Hoover in 1932 to 10.2% of the GNP in 1936. The national debt as a percentage of the GNP had more than doubled under Hoover from 16% to 40% of the GNP in early 1933. It held steady at close to 40% as late as fall 1941, then grew rapidly during the war.[209] The GNP was 34% higher in 1936 than in 1932 and 58% higher in 1940 on the eve of war. That is, the economy grew 58% from 1932 to 1940 in eight years of peacetime, and then grew 56% from 1940 to 1945 in five years of wartime.[209] Unemployment fell dramatically during Roosevelt's first term. It increased in 1938 ("a depression within a depression") but continually declined after 1938.[208] Total employment during Roosevelt's term expanded by 18.31 million jobs, with an average annual increase in jobs during his administration of 5.3%.[210][211]
Foreign policy (1933–1941)
The main foreign policy initiative of Roosevelt's first term was the Good Neighbor Policy, which was a re-evaluation of U.S. policy toward Latin America. The United States had frequently intervened in Latin America following the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, and the United States had occupied several Latin American nations in the Banana Wars that had occurred following the Spanish–American War of 1898. After Roosevelt took office, he withdrew U.S. forces from Haiti and reached new treaties with Cuba and Panama, ending their status as U.S. protectorates. In December 1933, Roosevelt signed the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, renouncing the right to intervene unilaterally in the affairs of Latin American countries.[212] Roosevelt also normalized relations with the Soviet Union, which the United States had refused to recognize since the 1920s.[213] He hoped to renegotiate the Russian debt from World War I and open trade relations, but no progress was made on either issue and "both nations were soon disillusioned by the accord."[214]
The rejection of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919–1920 marked the dominance of isolationism in American foreign policy. Despite Roosevelt's Wilsonian background, he and Secretary of State Cordell Hull acted with great care not to provoke isolationist sentiment. The isolationist movement was bolstered in the early to mid-1930s by Senator Gerald Nye and others who succeeded in their effort to stop the "merchants of death" in the U.S. from selling arms abroad.[215] This effort took the form of the Neutrality Acts; the president asked for, but was refused, a provision to give him the discretion to allow the sale of arms to victims of aggression.[216] Focused on domestic policy, Roosevelt largely acquiesced to Congress's non-interventionist policies in the early-to-mid 1930s.[217] In the interim, Fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini proceeded to overcome Ethiopia, and the Italians joined Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler in supporting General Francisco Franco and the Nationalist cause in the Spanish Civil War.[218] As that conflict drew to a close in early 1939, Roosevelt expressed regret in not aiding the Spanish Republicans.[219] When Japan invaded China in 1937, isolationism limited Roosevelt's ability to aid China,[220] despite atrocities like the Nanking Massacre and the USS Panay incident.[221]
Germany annexed Austria in 1938, and soon turned its attention to its eastern neighbors.[223] Roosevelt made it clear that, in the event of German aggression against Czechoslovakia, the U.S. would remain neutral.[224] After completion of the Munich Agreement and the execution of Kristallnacht, American public opinion turned against Germany, and Roosevelt began preparing for a possible war with Germany.[225] Relying on an interventionist political coalition of Southern Democrats and business-oriented Republicans, Roosevelt oversaw the expansion of U.S. airpower and war production capacity.[226]
When World War II began in September 1939 with Germany's invasion of Poland and Britain and France's subsequent declaration of war upon Germany, Roosevelt sought ways to assist Britain and France militarily.[227] Isolationist leaders like Charles Lindbergh and Senator William Borah successfully mobilized opposition to Roosevelt's proposed repeal of the Neutrality Act, but Roosevelt won Congressional approval of the sale of arms on a cash-and-carry basis.[228] He also began a regular secret correspondence with Britain's First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, in September 1939 — the first of 1,700 letters and telegrams between them.[229] Roosevelt forged a close personal relationship with Churchill, who became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in May 1940.[230]
The Fall of France in June 1940 shocked the American public, and isolationist sentiment declined.[231] In July 1940, Roosevelt appointed two interventionist Republican leaders, Henry L. Stimson and Frank Knox, as Secretaries of War and the Navy, respectively. Both parties gave support to his plans for a rapid build-up of the American military, but the isolationists warned that Roosevelt would get the nation into an unnecessary war with Germany.[232] In July 1940, a group of Congressmen introduced a bill that would authorize the nation's first peacetime draft, and with the support of the Roosevelt administration, the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 passed in September. The size of the army would increase from 189,000 men at the end of 1939 to 1.4 million men in mid-1941.[233] In September 1940, Roosevelt openly defied the Neutrality Acts by reaching the Destroyers for Bases Agreement, which, in exchange for military base rights in the British Caribbean Islands, gave 50 WWI American destroyers to Britain.[234]
Election of 1940
In the months prior to the July 1940 Democratic National Convention, there was much speculation as to whether Roosevelt would run for an unprecedented third term. The two-term tradition, although not yet enshrined in the Constitution,[i] had been established by George Washington when he refused to run for a third term in the 1796 presidential election. Roosevelt refused to give a definitive statement as to his willingness to be a candidate again, and he even indicated to some ambitious Democrats, such as James Farley, that he would not run for a third term and that they could seek the Democratic nomination. However, as Germany swept through Western Europe and menaced Britain in mid-1940, Roosevelt decided that only he had the necessary experience and skills to see the nation safely through the Nazi threat. He was aided by the party's political bosses, who feared that no Democrat except Roosevelt could defeat Wendell Willkie, the popular Republican nominee.[235]
At the July 1940 Democratic Convention in Chicago, Roosevelt easily swept aside challenges from Farley and Vice President Garner, who had turned against Roosevelt in his second term because of his liberal economic and social policies.[236] To replace Garner on the ticket, Roosevelt turned to Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace of Iowa, a former Republican who strongly supported the New Deal and was popular in farm states.[237] The choice was strenuously opposed by many of the party's conservatives, who felt Wallace was too radical and "eccentric" in his private life to be an effective running mate. But Roosevelt insisted that without Wallace on the ticket he would decline re-nomination, and Wallace won the vice-presidential nomination, defeating Speaker of the House William B. Bankhead and other candidates.[236]
A late August poll taken by Gallup found the race to be essentially tied, but Roosevelt's popularity surged in September following the announcement of the Destroyers for Bases Agreement.[238] Willkie supported much of the New Deal as well as rearmament and aid to Britain but warned that Roosevelt would drag the country into another European war.[239] Responding to Willkie's attacks, Roosevelt promised to keep the country out of the war.[240] Roosevelt won the 1940 election with 55% of the popular vote, 38 of the 48 states, and almost 85% of the electoral vote.[241]
Third and fourth terms (1941–1945)
The world war dominated FDR's attention, with far more time devoted to world affairs than ever before. Domestic politics and relations with Congress were largely shaped by his efforts to achieve total mobilization of the nation's economic, financial, and institutional resources for the war effort. Even relationships with Latin America and Canada were structured by wartime demands. Roosevelt maintained close personal control of all major diplomatic and military decisions, working closely with his generals and admirals, the war and Navy departments, the British, and even with the Soviet Union. His key advisors on diplomacy were Harry Hopkins (who was based in the White House), Sumner Welles (based in the State Department), and Henry Morgenthau Jr. at Treasury. In military affairs, FDR worked most closely with Secretary Henry L. Stimson at the War Department, Army Chief of Staff George Marshall, and Admiral William D. Leahy.[242][243][244]
Lead-up to the war
By late 1940, re-armament was in high gear, partly to expand and re-equip the Army and Navy and partly to become the "Arsenal of Democracy" for Britain and other countries.[245] With his Four Freedoms speech in January 1941, Roosevelt laid out the case for an Allied battle for basic rights throughout the world. Assisted by Willkie, Roosevelt won Congressional approval of the Lend-Lease program, which directed massive military and economic aid to Britain, and China.[246] In sharp contrast to the loans of World War I, there would be no repayment after the war.[247] As Roosevelt took a firmer stance against Japan, Germany, and Italy, American isolationists such as Charles Lindbergh and the America First Committee vehemently attacked Roosevelt as an irresponsible warmonger.[248] When Germany invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, Roosevelt agreed to extend Lend-Lease to the Soviets. Thus, Roosevelt had committed the U.S. to the Allied side with a policy of "all aid short of war."[249] By July 1941, Roosevelt authorized the creation of the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) to counter perceived propaganda efforts in Latin America by Germany and Italy.[250][251]
In August 1941, Roosevelt and Churchill conducted a highly secret bilateral meeting in which they drafted the Atlantic Charter, conceptually outlining global wartime and postwar goals. This would be the first of several wartime conferences;[252] Churchill and Roosevelt would meet ten more times in person.[253] Though Churchill pressed for an American declaration of war against Germany, Roosevelt believed that Congress would reject any attempt to bring the United States into the war.[254] In September, a German submarine fired on the U.S. destroyer Greer, and Roosevelt declared that the U.S. Navy would assume an escort role for Allied convoys in the Atlantic as far east as Great Britain and would fire upon German ships or submarines (U-boats) of the Kriegsmarine if they entered the U.S. Navy zone. According to historian George Donelson Moss, Roosevelt "misled" Americans by reporting the Greer incident as if it would have been an unprovoked German attack on a peaceful American ship.[255] This "shoot on sight" policy effectively declared naval war on Germany and was favored by Americans by a margin of 2-to-1.[256]
Pearl Harbor and declarations of war
After the German invasion of Poland, the primary concern of both Roosevelt and his top military staff was on the war in Europe, but Japan also presented foreign policy challenges. Relations with Japan had continually deteriorated since its invasion of Manchuria in 1931, and they had further worsened with Roosevelt's support of China.[257] With the war in Europe occupying the attention of the major colonial powers, Japanese leaders eyed vulnerable colonies such as the Dutch East Indies, French Indochina, and British Malaya.[258] After Roosevelt announced a $100 million loan (equivalent to $1.8 billion in 2020) to China in reaction to Japan's occupation of northern French Indochina, Japan signed the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy. The pact bound each country to defend the others against attack, and Germany, Japan, and Italy became known as the Axis powers.[259] Overcoming those who favored invading the Soviet Union, the Japanese Army high command successfully advocated for the conquest of Southeast Asia to ensure continued access to raw materials.[260] In July 1941, after Japan occupied the remainder of French Indochina, Roosevelt cut off the sale of oil to Japan, depriving Japan of more than 95 percent of its oil supply.[261] He also placed the Philippine military under American command and reinstated General Douglas MacArthur into active duty to command U.S. forces in the Philippines.[262]
The Japanese were incensed by the embargo and Japanese leaders became determined to attack the United States unless it lifted the embargo. The Roosevelt administration was unwilling to reverse the policy, and Secretary of State Hull blocked a potential summit between Roosevelt and Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe.[j] After diplomatic efforts to end the embargo failed, the Privy Council of Japan authorized a strike against the United States.[264] The Japanese believed that the destruction of the United States Asiatic Fleet (stationed in the Philippines) and the United States Pacific Fleet (stationed at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii) was vital to the conquest of Southeast Asia.[265] On the morning of December 7, 1941, the Japanese struck the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor with a surprise attack, knocking out the main American battleship fleet and killing 2,403 American servicemen and civilians. At the same time, separate Japanese task forces attacked Thailand, British Hong Kong, the Philippines, and other targets. Roosevelt called for war in his "Infamy Speech" to Congress, in which he said: "Yesterday, December 7, 1941 — a date which will live in infamy — the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan." In a nearly unanimous vote, Congress declared war on Japan.[266] After the Japanese attack at Pearl Harbor, antiwar sentiment in the United States largely evaporated overnight. On December 11, 1941, Hitler and Mussolini declared war on the United States, which responded in kind.[k][267]
A majority of scholars have rejected the conspiracy theories that Roosevelt, or any other high government officials, knew in advance about the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.[268] The Japanese had kept their secrets closely guarded. Senior American officials were aware that war was imminent, but they did not expect an attack on Pearl Harbor.[269] Roosevelt had expected that the Japanese would attack either the Dutch East Indies or Thailand.[270]
War plans
In late December 1941, Churchill and Roosevelt met at the Arcadia Conference, which established a joint strategy between the U.S. and Britain. Both agreed on a Europe first strategy that prioritized the defeat of Germany before Japan. The U.S. and Britain established the Combined Chiefs of Staff to coordinate military policy and the Combined Munitions Assignments Board to coordinate the allocation of supplies.[271] An agreement was also reached to establish a centralized command in the Pacific theater called ABDA, named for the American, British, Dutch, and Australian forces in the theater.[272] On January 1, 1942, the United States, Britain, China, the Soviet Union, and twenty-two other countries (the Allied Powers) issued the Declaration by United Nations, in which each nation pledged to defeat the Axis powers.[273]
In 1942, Roosevelt formed a new body, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, which made the final decisions on American military strategy. Admiral Ernest J. King as Chief of Naval Operations commanded the Navy and Marines, while General George C. Marshall led the Army and was in nominal control of the Air Force, which in practice was commanded by General Hap Arnold.[274] The Joint Chiefs were chaired by Admiral William D. Leahy, the most senior officer in the military.[275] Roosevelt avoided micromanaging the war and let his top military officers make most decisions.[276] Roosevelt's civilian appointees handled the draft and procurement of men and equipment, but no civilians – not even the secretaries of War or Navy – had a voice in strategy. Roosevelt avoided the State Department and conducted high-level diplomacy through his aides, especially Harry Hopkins, whose influence was bolstered by his control of the Lend Lease funds.[277]
Nuclear program
In August 1939, Leo Szilard and Albert Einstein sent the Einstein–Szilárd letter to Roosevelt, warning of the possibility of a German project to develop nuclear weapons. Szilard realized that the recently discovered process of nuclear fission could be used to create a nuclear chain reaction that could be used as a weapon of mass destruction.[278] Roosevelt feared the consequences of allowing Germany to have sole possession of the technology and authorized preliminary research into nuclear weapons.[l] After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the Roosevelt administration secured the funds needed to continue research and selected General Leslie Groves to oversee the Manhattan Project, which was charged with developing the first nuclear weapons. Roosevelt and Churchill agreed to jointly pursue the project, and Roosevelt helped ensure that American scientists cooperated with their British counterparts.[280]
Wartime conferences
Roosevelt coined the term "Four Policemen" to refer to the "Big Four" Allied powers of World War II, the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China. The "Big Three" of Roosevelt, Churchill, and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, together with Chinese Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, cooperated informally on a plan in which American and British troops concentrated in the West; Soviet troops fought on the Eastern front; and Chinese, British and American troops fought in Asia and the Pacific. The United States also continued to send aid via the Lend-Lease program to the Soviet Union and other countries. The Allies formulated strategy in a series of high-profile conferences as well as by contact through diplomatic and military channels.[281] Beginning in May 1942, the Soviets urged an Anglo-American invasion of German-occupied France in order to divert troops from the Eastern front.[282] Concerned that their forces were not yet ready for an invasion of France, Churchill and Roosevelt decided to delay such an invasion until at least 1943 and instead focus on a landing in North Africa, known as Operation Torch.[283]
In November 1943, Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin met to discuss strategy and post-war plans at the Tehran Conference, where Roosevelt met Stalin for the first time.[284] At the conference, Britain and the United States committed to opening a second front against Germany in 1944, while Stalin committed to entering the war against Japan at an unspecified date. Subsequent conferences at Bretton Woods and Dumbarton Oaks established the framework for the post-war international monetary system and the United Nations, an intergovernmental organization similar to Wilson's failed League of Nations.[285]
Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin met for a second time at the February 1945 Yalta Conference in Crimea. With the end of the war in Europe approaching, Roosevelt's primary focus was on convincing Stalin to enter the war against Japan; the Joint Chiefs had estimated that an American invasion of Japan would cause as many as one million American casualties. In return for the Soviet Union's entrance into the war against Japan, the Soviet Union was promised control of Asian territories such as Sakhalin Island. The three leaders agreed to hold a conference in 1945 to establish the United Nations, and they also agreed on the structure of the United Nations Security Council, which would be charged with ensuring international peace and security. Roosevelt did not push for the immediate evacuation of Soviet soldiers from Poland, but he won the issuance of the Declaration on Liberated Europe, which promised free elections in countries that had been occupied by Germany. Germany itself would not be dismembered but would be jointly occupied by the United States, France, Britain, and the Soviet Union.[286] Against Soviet pressure, Roosevelt and Churchill refused to consent to impose huge reparations and deindustrialization on Germany after the war.[287] Roosevelt's role in the Yalta Conference has been controversial; critics charge that he naively trusted the Soviet Union to allow free elections in Eastern Europe, while supporters argue that there was little more that Roosevelt could have done for the Eastern European countries given the Soviet occupation and the need for cooperation with the Soviet Union during and after the war.[288][289]
Course of the war
The Allies invaded French North Africa in November 1942, securing the surrender of Vichy French forces within days of landing.[290] At the January 1943 Casablanca Conference, the Allies agreed to defeat Axis forces in North Africa and then launch an invasion of Sicily, with an attack on France to take place in 1944. At the conference, Roosevelt also announced that he would only accept the unconditional surrender of Germany, Japan, and Italy.[291] In February 1943, the Soviet Union won a major victory at the Battle of Stalingrad, and in May 1943, the Allies secured the surrender of over 250,000 German and Italian soldiers in North Africa, ending the North African Campaign.[292] The Allies launched an invasion of Sicily in July 1943, capturing the island by the end of the following month.[293] In September 1943, the Allies secured an armistice from Italian Prime Minister Pietro Badoglio, but Germany quickly restored Mussolini to power.[293] The Allied invasion of mainland Italy commenced in September 1943, but the Italian Campaign continued until 1945 as German and Italian troops resisted the Allied advance.[294]
To command the invasion of France, Roosevelt chose General Dwight D. Eisenhower, who had successfully commanded a multinational coalition in North Africa and Sicily.[295] Eisenhower chose to launch Operation Overlord on June 6, 1944. Supported by 12,000 aircraft and the largest naval force ever assembled, the Allies successfully established a beachhead in Normandy and then advanced further into France.[276] Though reluctant to back an unelected government, Roosevelt recognized Charles de Gaulle's Provisional Government of the French Republic as the de facto government of France in July 1944. After most of France had been liberated from German occupation, Roosevelt granted formal recognition to de Gaulle's government in October 1944.[296] Over the following months, the Allies liberated more territory from Nazi occupation and began the invasion of Germany. By April 1945, Nazi resistance was crumbling in the face of advances by both the Western Allies and the Soviet Union.[297]
In the opening weeks of the war, Japan conquered the Philippines and the British and Dutch colonies in Southeast Asia. The Japanese advance reached its maximum extent by June 1942, when the U.S. Navy scored a decisive victory at the Battle of Midway. American and Australian forces then began a slow and costly strategy called island hopping or leapfrogging through the Pacific Islands, with the objective of gaining bases from which strategic airpower could be brought to bear on Japan and from which Japan could ultimately be invaded. In contrast to Hitler, Roosevelt took no direct part in the tactical naval operations, though he approved strategic decisions.[298] Roosevelt gave way in part to insistent demands from the public and Congress that more effort be devoted against Japan, but he always insisted on Germany first. The strength of the Japanese navy was decimated in the Battle of Leyte Gulf, and by April 1945 the Allies had re-captured much of their lost territory in the Pacific.[299]
Home front
The home front was subject to dynamic social changes throughout the war, though domestic issues were no longer Roosevelt's most urgent policy concern. The military buildup spurred economic growth. Unemployment fell in half from 7.7 million in spring 1940 to 3.4 million in fall 1941 and fell in half again to 1.5 million in fall 1942, out of a labor force of 54 million.[m] There was a growing labor shortage, accelerating the second wave of the Great Migration of African Americans, farmers and rural populations to manufacturing centers. African Americans from the South went to California and other West Coast states for new jobs in the defense industry. To pay for increased government spending, in 1941 Roosevelt proposed that Congress enact an income tax rate of 99.5% on all income over $100,000; when the proposal failed, he issued an executive order imposing an income tax of 100% on income over $25,000, which Congress rescinded.[301] The Revenue Act of 1942 instituted top tax rates as high as 94% (after accounting for the excess profits tax), greatly increased the tax base, and instituted the first federal withholding tax.[302] In 1944, Roosevelt requested that Congress enact legislation which would tax all "unreasonable" profits, both corporate and individual, and thereby support his declared need for over $10 billion in revenue for the war and other government measures. Congress overrode Roosevelt's veto to pass a smaller revenue bill raising $2 billion.[303]
In 1942, with the United States now in the conflict, war production increased dramatically but fell short of the goals established by the president, due in part to manpower shortages.[304] The effort was also hindered by numerous strikes, especially among union workers in the coal mining and railroad industries, which lasted well into 1944.[305][306] Nonetheless, between 1941 and 1945, the United States produced 2.4 million trucks, 300,000 military aircraft, 88,400 tanks, and 40 billion rounds of ammunition. The production capacity of the United States dwarfed that of other countries; for example, in 1944, the United States produced more military aircraft than the combined production of Germany, Japan, Britain, and the Soviet Union.[307] The White House became the ultimate site for labor mediation, conciliation or arbitration. One particular battle royale occurred between Vice President Wallace, who headed the Board of Economic Warfare, and Jesse H. Jones, in charge of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation; both agencies assumed responsibility for the acquisition of rubber supplies and came to loggerheads over funding. Roosevelt resolved the dispute by dissolving both agencies.[308] In 1943, Roosevelt established the Office of War Mobilization to oversee the home front; the agency was led by James F. Byrnes, who came to be known as the "assistant president" due to his influence.[293]
Roosevelt's 1944 State of the Union Address advocated that Americans should think of basic economic rights as a Second Bill of Rights.[309] He stated that all Americans should have the right to "adequate medical care", "a good education", "a decent home", and a "useful and remunerative job".[310] In the most ambitious domestic proposal of his third term, Roosevelt proposed the G.I. Bill, which would create a massive benefits program for returning soldiers. Benefits included post-secondary education, medical care, unemployment insurance, job counseling, and low-cost loans for homes and businesses. The G.I. Bill passed unanimously in both houses of Congress and was signed into law in June 1944. Of the fifteen million Americans who served in World War II, more than half benefitted from the educational opportunities provided for in the G.I. Bill.[311]
Declining health
Roosevelt, a chain-smoker throughout his entire adult life,[312][313] had been in declining physical health since at least 1940. In March 1944, shortly after his 62nd birthday, he underwent testing at Bethesda Hospital and was found to have high blood pressure, atherosclerosis, coronary artery disease causing angina pectoris, and congestive heart failure.[314][315][316]
Hospital physicians and two outside specialists ordered Roosevelt to rest. His personal physician, Admiral Ross McIntire, created a daily schedule that banned business guests for lunch and incorporated two hours of rest each day. During the 1944 re-election campaign, McIntire denied several times that Roosevelt's health was poor; on October 12, for example, he announced that "The President's health is perfectly OK. There are absolutely no organic difficulties at all."[317] Roosevelt realized that his declining health could eventually make it impossible for him to continue as president, and in 1945 he told a confidant that he might resign from the presidency following the end of the war.[318]
Election of 1944
While some Democrats had opposed Roosevelt's nomination in 1940, the president faced little difficulty in securing his re-nomination at the 1944 Democratic National Convention. Roosevelt made it clear before the convention that he was seeking another term, and on the lone presidential ballot of the convention, Roosevelt won the vast majority of delegates, although a minority of Southern Democrats voted for Harry F. Byrd. Party leaders prevailed upon Roosevelt to drop Vice President Wallace from the ticket, believing him to be an electoral liability and a poor potential successor in case of Roosevelt's death. Roosevelt preferred Byrnes as Wallace's replacement but was convinced to support Senator Harry S. Truman of Missouri, who had earned renown for his investigation of war production inefficiency and was acceptable to the various factions of the party. On the second vice presidential ballot of the convention, Truman defeated Wallace to win the nomination.[319]
The Republicans nominated Thomas E. Dewey, the governor of New York, who had a reputation as a liberal in his party. The opposition accused Roosevelt and his administration of domestic corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, tolerance of Communism, and military blunders. Labor unions, which had grown rapidly in the war, fully supported Roosevelt. Roosevelt and Truman won the 1944 election by a comfortable margin, defeating Dewey and his running mate John W. Bricker with 53.4% of the popular vote and 432 out of the 531 electoral votes.[320] The president campaigned in favor of a strong United Nations, so his victory symbolized support for the nation's future participation in the international community.[321]
Death (1945)
When Roosevelt returned to the United States from the Yalta Conference, many were shocked to see how old, thin and frail he looked. He spoke while seated in the well of the House, an unprecedented concession to his physical incapacity.[322] During March 1945, he sent strongly worded messages to Stalin accusing him of breaking his Yalta commitments over Poland, Germany, prisoners of war and other issues. When Stalin accused the western Allies of plotting behind his back a separate peace with Hitler, Roosevelt replied: "I cannot avoid a feeling of bitter resentment towards your informers, whoever they are, for such vile misrepresentations of my actions or those of my trusted subordinates."[323] On March 29, 1945, Roosevelt went to the Little White House at Warm Springs, Georgia, to rest before his anticipated appearance at the founding conference of the United Nations.
In the afternoon of April 12, 1945, in Warm Springs, Georgia, while sitting for a portrait, Roosevelt said "I have a terrific headache."[324][325] He then slumped forward in his chair, unconscious, and was carried into his bedroom. The president's attending cardiologist, Dr. Howard Bruenn, diagnosed the medical emergency as a massive intracerebral hemorrhage.[326] At 3:35 p.m. that day, Roosevelt died at the age of 63.[327]
The following morning, Roosevelt's body was placed in a flag-draped coffin and loaded onto the presidential train for the trip back to Washington. Along the route, thousands flocked to the tracks to pay their respects. After a White House funeral on April 14, Roosevelt was transported by train from Washington, D.C., to his place of birth at Hyde Park. On April 15 he was buried, per his wish, in the rose garden of his Springwood estate.[328]
Roosevelt's declining physical health had been kept secret from the public. His death was met with shock and grief across around the world.[329] Germany surrendered during the 30-day mourning period, but Harry Truman (who had succeeded Roosevelt as president) ordered flags to remain at half-staff; he also dedicated Victory in Europe Day and its celebrations to Roosevelt's memory.[330] World War II finally ended with the signed surrender of Japan in September.[331]
Гражданские права, интернирование и холокост
Roosevelt was viewed as a hero by many African Americans, Catholics, and Jews, and he was highly successful in attracting large majorities of these voters into his New Deal coalition.[332] He won strong support from Chinese Americans and Filipino Americans, but not Japanese Americans, as he presided over their internment in concentration camps during the war.[333] African Americans and Native Americans fared well in two New Deal relief programs, the Civilian Conservation Corps and the Indian Reorganization Act, respectively. Sitkoff reports that the WPA "provided an economic floor for the whole black community in the 1930s, rivaling both agriculture and domestic service as the chief source" of income.[334]
Roosevelt did not join NAACP leaders in pushing for federal anti-lynching legislation, as he believed that such legislation was unlikely to pass and that his support for it would alienate Southern congressmen. He did, however, appoint a "Black Cabinet" of African American advisers to advise on race relations and African American issues, and he publicly denounced lynching as "murder."[335] First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt vocally supported efforts designed to aid the African American community, including the Fair Labor Standards Act, which helped boost wages for nonwhite workers in the South.[336] In 1941, Roosevelt established the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC) to implement Executive Order 8802, which prohibited racial and religious discrimination in employment among defense contractors. The FEPC was the first national program directed against employment discrimination, and it played a major role in opening up new employment opportunities to non-white workers. During World War II, the proportion of African American men employed in manufacturing positions rose significantly.[337] In response to Roosevelt's policies, African Americans increasingly defected from the Republican Party during the 1930s and 1940s, becoming an important Democratic voting bloc in several Northern states.[335]
The attack on Pearl Harbor raised concerns in the public regarding the possibility of sabotage by Japanese Americans. This suspicion was fed by long-standing racism against Japanese immigrants, as well as the findings of the Roberts Commission, which concluded that the attack on Pearl Harbor had been assisted by Japanese spies. On February 19, 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which relocated hundreds of thousands of Japanese-American citizens and immigrants. They were forced to liquidate their properties and businesses and interned in hastily built camps in interior, harsh locations. Distracted by other issues, Roosevelt had delegated the decision for internment to Secretary of War Stimson, who in turn relied on the judgment of Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy. The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the executive order in the 1944 case of Korematsu v. United States.[338] Many German and Italian citizens were also arrested or placed into internment camps.[339]
After Kristallnacht in 1938, Roosevelt helped expedite Jewish immigration from Germany and Austria, and allowed German citizens already in the United States to stay indefinitely. However, he was prevented from accepting further Jewish immigrants, particularly refugees, by the restrictive Immigration Act of 1924, and antisemitism among voters.[340] Hitler chose to implement the "Final Solution" — the extermination of the European Jewish population — by January 1942, and American officials learned of the scale of the Nazi extermination campaign in the following months. Against the objections of the State Department, Roosevelt convinced the other Allied leaders to jointly issue the Joint Declaration by Members of the United Nations, which condemned the ongoing Holocaust and warned to try its perpetrators as war criminals. In January 1944, Roosevelt established the War Refugee Board to aid Jews and other victims of Axis atrocities. Aside from these actions, Roosevelt believed that the best way to help the persecuted populations of Europe was to end the war as quickly as possible. Top military leaders and War Department leaders rejected any campaign to bomb the extermination camps or the rail lines leading to the camps, fearing it would be a diversion from the war effort. According to biographer Jean Edward Smith, there is no evidence that anyone ever proposed such a campaign to Roosevelt.[341]
Наследие
Historical reputation
Roosevelt is widely considered to be one of the most important figures in the history of the United States,[342] as well as one of the most influential figures of the 20th century.[343] Historians and political scientists consistently rank Roosevelt, George Washington, and Abraham Lincoln as the three greatest presidents.[344][345][346][347] Reflecting on Roosevelt's presidency, "which brought the United States through the Great Depression and World War II to a prosperous future", said FDR biographer Jean Edward Smith in 2007, "He lifted himself from a wheelchair to lift the nation from its knees."[348]
The rapid expansion of government programs that occurred during Roosevelt's term redefined the role of the government in the United States, and Roosevelt's advocacy of government social programs was instrumental in redefining liberalism for coming generations.[349] Roosevelt firmly established the United States' leadership role on the world stage, with his role in shaping and financing World War II. His isolationist critics faded away, and even the Republicans joined in his overall policies.[350] He also created a new understanding of the presidency, permanently increasing the power of the president at the expense of Congress.[351]
His Second Bill of Rights became, according to historian Joshua Zeitz, "the basis of the Democratic Party's aspirations for the better part of four decades."[310] After his death, his widow, Eleanor, continued to be a forceful presence in U.S. and world politics, serving as delegate to the conference which established the United Nations and championing civil rights and liberalism generally. Some junior New Dealers played leading roles in the presidencies of Truman, John Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson. Kennedy came from a Roosevelt-hating family. Historian William Leuchtenburg says that before 1960, "Kennedy showed a conspicuous lack of inclination to identify himself as a New Deal liberal." He adds, as president, "Kennedy never wholly embraced the Roosevelt tradition and at times he deliberately severed himself from it."[352] By contrast, young Lyndon Johnson had been an enthusiastic New Dealer and a favorite of Roosevelt. Johnson modelled his presidency on FDR and relied heavily on New Deal lawyer Abe Fortas, as well as James H. Rowe, Anna M. Rosenberg, Thomas Gardiner Corcoran, and Benjamin V. Cohen.[353][354]
During his presidency, and continuing to a lesser extent afterwards, there has been much criticism of Roosevelt, some of it intense. Critics have questioned not only his policies, positions, and the consolidation of power that occurred due to his responses to the crises of the Depression and World War II but also his breaking with tradition by running for a third term as president.[355] Long after his death, new lines of attack criticized Roosevelt's policies regarding helping the Jews of Europe,[356] incarcerating the Japanese on the West Coast,[357] and opposing anti-lynching legislation.[358]
Memorials
Roosevelt's home in Hyde Park is now a National Historic Site and home to his Presidential library. Washington D.C., hosts two memorials to the former president. The largest, the 7+1⁄2-acre (3-hectare) Roosevelt Memorial, is located next to the Jefferson Memorial on the Tidal Basin.[359] A more modest memorial, a block of marble in front of the National Archives building suggested by Roosevelt himself, was erected in 1965.[360] Roosevelt's leadership in the March of Dimes is one reason he is commemorated on the American dime.[361] Roosevelt has also appeared on several U.S. Postage stamps.[362]
Смотрите также
- Cultural depictions of Franklin D. Roosevelt
- August Adolph Gennerich, his bodyguard
- List of Allied World War II conferences
- List of federal political sex scandals in the United States
- Sunshine Special (automobile), FDR's limousine
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Play media Collection of video clips of Roosevelt |
Заметки
- ^ It was common for boys to wear what was considered "gender-neutral" clothing, thus boys wore dresses up until they were 6 or 7.[3]
- ^ In 2008, Columbia awarded Roosevelt a posthumous Juris Doctor degree.[29]
- ^ State legislatures elected United States Senators prior to the ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913.
- ^ Roosevelt was the last President inaugurated on March 4. The Twentieth Amendment changed presidential inaugurations to January 20, from 1937 onward.
- ^ Biographer Jean Edward Smith notes that "the significance of the repeal of the two-thirds rule...is difficult to overstate. Not only did the power of the South in the Democratic party diminish, but without the repeal, it is open to question whether FDR could have been renominated in 1940."[182]
- ^ The 1964 Democratic ticket of Lyndon B. Johnson and Hubert Humphrey would later set a new record, taking 61.1% of the popular vote
- ^ The two Justices who Roosevelt did not originally appoint to the Court were Harlan Fiske Stone and Owen Roberts. However, in 1941, Roosevelt elevated Stone to the position of Chief Justice.
- ^ This table shows the estimated unemployment related as calculated by two economists. Michael Darby's estimate counts individuals on work relief programs as employed, while Stanley Lebergott's estimate counts individuals on work relief programs as unemployed[208]
- ^ The Twenty-second Amendment ratified in 1951, would bar any individual from winning more than two presidential elections.
- ^ Hull and others in the administration were unwilling to recognize the Japanese conquest of China and feared that an American accommodation with Japan would leave the Soviet Union vulnerable to a two-front war.[263]
- ^ The United States would also declare war on Bulgaria, Hungary, and Romania, all of which had joined the Axis bloc.
- ^ The Germans stopped research on nuclear weapons in 1942, choosing to focus on other projects. Japan gave up its own program in 1943.[279]
- ^ WPA workers were counted as unemployed by this set of statistics.[300]
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- ^ Burns 1970, p. 95.
- ^ Charles, Douglas M. (Spring 2000). "Informing FDR: FBI Political Surveillance and the Isolationist-Interventionist Foreign Policy". Diplomatic History. 24 (2): 211–32. doi:10.1111/0145-2096.00210.
- ^ Churchill 1977, p. 119.
- ^ Media Sound & Culture in Latin America. Editors: Bronfman, Alejanda & Wood, Andrew Grant. University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, PA, US, 2012, Pgs. 41–54 ISBN 978-0-8229-6187-1 books.google.com See Pgs. 41–54
- ^ Anthony, Edwin D. Records of the Office of Inter-American Affairs. National Archives and Record Services – General Services Administration, Washington D.C., 1973, P. 1-8 Library of Congress Catalog No. 73-600146 Records of the Office of Inter-American Affairs at the U.S. National Archive at www.archives.gov
- ^ Burns 1970, pp. 126–28.
- ^ Gunther 1950, pp. 15–16.
- ^ Smith 2007, p. 502.
- ^ Moss, George Donelson (1993). America in the Twentieth Century. Simon & Schuster Company. p. 210.
- ^ Burns 1970, pp. 141–42.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 506–508.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 509–510.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 510–511.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 513–514.
- ^ Burns 1970, pp. 134–46.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 516–517.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 522–523.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 518–530.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 531–533.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 533–539.
- ^ Sainsbury 1994, p. 184.
- ^ Maffeo, Steven E., Capt. (2015). U.S. Navy Codebreakers, Linguists, and Intelligence Officers against Japan, 1910–1941: A Biographical Dictionary. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 311. ISBN 978-1-4422-5564-7.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 523–539.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 159.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 545–547.
- ^ Burns 1970, pp. 180–85.
- ^ Smith 2007, p. 547.
- ^ Chambers, John Whiteclay (1999). The Oxford Companion to American Military History. Oxford University Press, US. p. 351. ISBN 978-0-19-507198-6.
- ^ Smith 2007, p. 546.
- ^ a b Smith 2007, pp. 598–599.
- ^ Fullilove, Michael (2013). Rendezvous with Destiny: How Franklin D. Roosevelt and Five Extraordinary Men Took America into the War and into the World. Penguin Press. pp. 147–149. ISBN 978-1-59420-435-7.
- ^ Brands 2009, pp. 678–680.
- ^ Smith 2007, p. 580.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 578–581.
- ^ Doenecke & Stoler 2005, pp. 109–110.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 557–559.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 560–561.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 587–588.
- ^ Leuchtenburg 2015, pp. 214–216.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 623–624.
- ^ Leuchtenburg 2015, pp. 233–234.
- ^ Herring 2008, pp. 584–587.
- ^ Bumiller, Elizabeth (May 16, 2005). "60 Years Later, Debating Yalta All Over Again". New York Times. Retrieved October 14, 2017.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 563–564.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 565–567.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 573–574.
- ^ a b c Smith 2007, pp. 575–576.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 581–582.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 596–597.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 613–617.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 630–631.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 228.
- ^ Brands 2009, p. 785.
- ^ Statistical Abstract, US: Bureau of the Census, 1946, p. 173
- ^ Schweikart & Allen 2004, p. 602.
- ^ Leuchtenburg 2015, pp. 221–222.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 436.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 333.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 343.
- ^ Herman 2012, pp. 139–44, 151, 246.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 571–572.
- ^ Burns 1970, pp. 339–42.
- ^ Leuchtenburg 2015, pp. 223–225.
- ^ a b Zeitz, Joshua (November 4, 2018). "Democrats Aren't Moving Left. They're Returning to Their Roots". Politico. Retrieved November 17, 2018.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 584–585.
- ^ "Medical Research Pays Off for All Americans". NIH Medline Plus. National Institutes of Health. Summer 2007. Retrieved July 25, 2014.
- ^ Hastings, Max (January 19, 2009). "Franklin D Roosevelt: The man who conquered fear". The Independent. Retrieved July 25, 2014.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 448.
- ^ Lerner, Barron H. (November 23, 2007). "How Much Confidence Should We Have in the Doctor's Account of FDR's Death?". History News Network. George Washington University.
- ^ Bruenn, Howard G. (April 1970). "Clinical notes on the illness & death of President Franklin D. Roosevelt". Annals of Internal Medicine. 72 (4): 579–91. doi:10.7326/0003-4819-72-4-579. PMID 4908628.
- ^ Gunther 1950, pp. 372–74.
- ^ Dallek 2017, pp. 618–619.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 617–619.
- ^ Jordan 2011, p. 321.
- ^ Burns 1970, pp. 533, 562.
- ^ Dallek 1995, p. 520.
- ^ Burns 1970, p. 587.
- ^ "Franklin D. Roosevelt Day by Day – April". In Roosevelt History. Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum Collections and Programs. Retrieved May 14, 2012.
- ^ "President Franklin D. Roosevelt dies at 63 in 1945". New York Daily News. April 13, 1945. Retrieved December 29, 2017.
- ^ Jones, Jeffrey M.; Jones, Joni L. (September 2006). "Presidential Stroke: United States Presidents and Cerebrovascular Disease". CNS Spectrums (The International Journal of Neuropsychiatric Medicine). 11 (9): 674–78. doi:10.1017/S1092852900014760. PMID 16946692. S2CID 44889213.
- ^ Andrew Glass. "President Franklin D. Roosevelt dies at age 63, April 12, 1945". Politico. Retrieved May 21, 2020.
- ^ Dallek 2017, p. 620.
- ^ Allies Overrun Germany (video). Universal Newsreel. 1945. Retrieved February 21, 2012.
- ^ McCullough, David (1992). Truman. Simon & Schuster. pp. 345, 381. ISBN 978-0-671-86920-5.
- ^ Leuchtenburg 2015, pp. 243–252.
- ^ "Jewish Vote in U.S. Elections". Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. Retrieved February 7, 2010.
- ^ Odo, Franklin (2002). The Columbia Documentary History of the Asian American Experience. Columbia University Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-231-11030-3.
- ^ Sitkoff, Harvard (1978). A new deal for Blacks: the emergence of civil rights as a national issue. Oxford University Press. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-19-502418-0.
- ^ a b McJimsey 2000, pp. 162–163.
- ^ Dallek 2017, pp. 307–308.
- ^ Collins, William J. (March 2001). "Race, Roosevelt, and Wartime Production: Fair Employment in World War II Labor Markets". The American Economic Review. 91 (1): 272–286. doi:10.1257/aer.91.1.272. JSTOR 2677909.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 549–553.
- ^ "World War II Enemy Alien Control Program Overview". National Archives. September 23, 2016.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 426–428.
- ^ Smith 2007, pp. 607–613.
- ^ Appleby, Joyce; Brands, H.W.; Dallek, Robert; Fitzpatrick, Ellen; Goodwin, Doris Kearns; Gordon, John Steele; Kennedy, David M.; McDougall, Walter; Noll, Mark; Wood, Gordon S. (December 2006). "The 100 Most Influential Figures in American History". The Atlantic. Retrieved October 13, 2017.
- ^ Walsh, Kenneth T. (April 10, 2015). "FDR: The President Who Made America Into a Superpower". US News and World Report. Retrieved October 13, 2017.
- ^ "Presidential Historians Survey 2017". C-SPAN Survey of Presidential Leadership. C-SPAN.
- ^ "Presidential Leadership – The Rankings". Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company. September 12, 2005. Archived from the original on November 2, 2005. Retrieved May 4, 2015.
- ^ Rottinghaus, Brandon; Vaughn, Justin (February 16, 2015). "New ranking of U.S. presidents puts Lincoln at No. 1, Obama at 18; Kennedy judged most overrated". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 4, 2015.
- ^ Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (Summer 1997). "Ranking the Presidents: From Washington to Clinton". Political Science Quarterly. 112 (2): 179–190. doi:10.2307/2657937. JSTOR 2657937.
- ^ Smith 2007, p. ix.
- ^ Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr (2007) [1963], "Liberalism in America: A Note for Europeans", The Politics of Hope, Riverside Press, ISBN 978-0-691-13475-8
- ^ Black 2005, pp. 1126–27.
- ^ Leuchtenburg 2015, pp. 174–175.
- ^ Leuchtenburg, William E. (2001), In the Shadow of FDR: From Harry Truman to George W. Bush, Cornell University Press, pp. 128, 178, ISBN 978-0-8014-8737-8
- ^ Leuchtenburg, pp. 208, 218, 226.
- ^ John Massaro, "LBJ and the Fortas Nomination for Chief Justice." Political Science Quarterly 97.4 (1982): 603–621.
- ^ Dallek 2017, pp. 624–625.
- ^ Wyman 1984.
- ^ Robinson 2001.
- ^ Dallek 2017, p. 626.
- ^ "Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial". National Park Service. Retrieved January 19, 2018.
- ^ jessiekratz (April 10, 2015). "The other FDR Memorial". Pieces of History. National Archives. Retrieved June 19, 2017.
- ^ "Conservatives want Reagan to replace FDR on U.S. dimes". USA Today. Associated Press. December 5, 2003. Retrieved January 22, 2018.
- ^ "Franklin Delano Roosevelt Issues". Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Retrieved May 11, 2021.
Works cited
- Alter, Jonathan (2006), The Defining Moment: FDR's Hundred Days and the Triumph of Hope (popular history), Simon & Schuster, ISBN 978-0-7432-4600-2
- Black, Conrad (2005) [2003]. Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Champion of Freedom (interpretive detailed biography). PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-282-4..
- Brands, H. W. (2009). Traitor to His Class: The Privileged Life and Radical Presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Anchor Books. ISBN 978-0-307-27794-7.
- Brinkley, Douglas (2016). Rightful Heritage: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Land of America. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-208923-6.
- Burns, James MacGregor (1956). Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox. Easton Press. ISBN 978-0-15-678870-0.
- ——— (1970). Roosevelt: The Soldier of Freedom. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. hdl:2027/heb.00626. ISBN 978-0-15-678870-0.
- Campbell, James E. (2006). "Party Systems and Realignments in the United States, 1868–2004". Social Science History. 30 (3): 359–386. doi:10.1215/01455532-2006-002. JSTOR 40267912.
- Caro, Robert (1974). The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York. New York: Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-48076-3. OCLC 834874.
- Churchill, Winston (1977). The Grand Alliance. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN 978-0-395-41057-8.
- Dallek, Robert (1995). Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945. Oxford University. ISBN 978-0-19-509732-0. online free to borrow
- ——— (2017). Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life. Viking. ISBN 978-0-69-818172-4.
- Dighe, Ranjit S. "Saving private capitalism: The US bank holiday of 1933." Essays in Economic & Business History 29 (2011) online
- Doenecke, Justus D; Stoler, Mark A (2005), Debating Franklin D. Roosevelt's Foreign Policies, 1933–1945, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-0-8476-9415-0
- Freidel, Frank (1952–1973), Franklin D. Roosevelt, 4 volumes, Little, Brown and Co., OCLC 459748221
- Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt The Apprenticeship (vol 1 1952) to 1918, online
- Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt The Ordeal (1954), covers 1919 to 1928, online
- Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt The Triumph (1956) covers 1929–32, online
- Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt Launching the New Deal (1973).
- Fried, Albert (2001). FDR and His Enemies: A History. St. Martin's Press. pp. 120–23. ISBN 978-1-250-10659-9.
- Goldman, Armond S.; Goldman, Daniel A. (2017). Prisoners of Time: The Misdiagnosis of FDR's 1921 Illness. EHDP Press. ISBN 978-1-939-82403-5.
- Goodwin, Doris Kearns (1995). No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-80448-4.
- Gunther, John (1950). Roosevelt in Retrospect. Harper & Brothers.
- Hawley, Ellis (1995). The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly. Fordham University Press. ISBN 978-0-8232-1609-3.
- Herman, Arthur (2012). Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II. Random House. ISBN 978-0-679-60463-1.
- Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower; U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507822-0.
- Jordan, David M (2011), FDR, Dewey, and the Election of 1944, Indiana University Press, ISBN 978-0-253-35683-3.
- Kennedy, David M (1999), Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945 (wide-ranging survey of national affairs by leading scholar; Pulitzer Prize), Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-503834-7.
- Lash, Joseph P (1971). Eleanor and Franklin: The Story of Their Relationship Based on Eleanor Roosevelt's Private Papers. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-07459-8.
- Leuchtenburg, William (2015). The American President: From Teddy Roosevelt to Bill Clinton. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-517616-2.
- Leuchtenburg, William E. (1963). Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932–1940. Harpers. ISBN 978-0-06-133025-4.
- McJimsey, George (2000). The Presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1012-9. online free to borrow
- Morgan, Ted (1985), FDR: A Biography (popular biography), Simon & Schuster, ISBN 978-0-671-45495-1.
- Norton, Mary Beth (2009). A People and a Nation: A History of the United States. Since 1865. Cengage. ISBN 978-0-547-17560-7.
- Robinson, Greg (2001), By Order of the President: FDR and the Internment of Japanese Americans, ISBN 978-1-5226-7771-0
- Roosevelt, Franklin; Roosevelt, Elliott (1970). F.D.R.: His Personal Letters, 1928-1945. 1. Duell, Sloan, and Pearce.
- Rowley, Hazel (2010). Franklin and Eleanor: An Extraordinary Marriage. Farrar, Straus & Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-15857-6.
- Sainsbury, Keith (1994). Churchill and Roosevelt at War: The War They Fought and the Peace They Hoped to Make. New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-7991-0.
- Savage, Sean J. (1991). Roosevelt, the Party Leader, 1932–1945. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-3079-8.
- Schweikart, Larry; Allen, Michael (2004). A Patriot's History of the United States: From Columbus's Great Discovery to the War on Terror. Penguin Group US. ISBN 978-1-101-21778-8.
- Smith, Jean Edward (2007). FDR. Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6121-1.
- Sternsher, Bernard (Summer 1975), "The Emergence of the New Deal Party System: A Problem in Historical Analysis of Voter Behavior", Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 6 (1): 127–49, doi:10.2307/202828, JSTOR 202828
- Tobin, James (2013). The Man He Became: How FDR Defied Polio to Win the Presidency. Simon and Schuster. pp. 4–7. ISBN 978-1-4516-9867-1.
- Tully, Grace (2005). Franklin Delano Roosevelt, My Boss. Kessinger Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4179-8926-3.
- Underwood, Jeffery S. (1991). The Wings of Democracy: The Influence of Air Power on the Roosevelt Administration, 1933–1941. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 978-0-89096-388-3.
- Ward, Geoffrey C.; Burns, Ken (2014). The Roosevelts: An Intimate History. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-385-35306-9.
- Winkler, Allan M. (2006). Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Making of Modern America. Longman. ISBN 978-0-321-41285-0.
- Wyman, David S (1984), The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust 1941–1945, Pantheon Books, ISBN 978-0-394-42813-0.
дальнейшее чтение
Biographical
- Daniels, Roger (2015). Franklin D. Roosevelt: Road to the New Deal, 1882–1939. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-03951-5..
- ——— (2016). Franklin D. Roosevelt: The War Years, 1939–1945. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-03952-2.
- Freidel, Frank (1990), Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Rendezvous with Destiny (scholarly biography), one volume, ISBN 978-0-316-29260-3; covers entire life' online free to borrow
- Graham, Otis L. and Meghan Robinson Wander, eds. Franklin D. Roosevelt: His Life and Times. (1985). An encyclopedic reference. online
- Jenkins, Roy (2003), Franklin Delano Roosevelt (short bio from British perspective), ISBN 978-0-8050-6959-4.
- Pederson, William D., ed. (2011). A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-4443-9517-4.; 35 essays by scholars. online
- Ward, Geoffrey C (1985), Before The Trumpet: Young Franklin Roosevelt, 1882–1905, ISBN 978-0-06-015451-6
- ——— (1992), A First-Class Temperament: The Emergence of Franklin Roosevelt (popular biography), ISBN 978-0-06-016066-1: covers 1905–32.
Scholarly topical studies
- Badger, Anthony (2008), FDR: The First Hundred Days, ISBN 978-0-8090-4441-2 200 pp; overview by leading British scholar.
- Collins, Robert M. (2002). More: The Politics of Economic Growth in Postwar America. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515263-0.
- Leuchtenburg, William E (2005), "Showdown on the Court", Smithsonian, 36 (2): 106–13, ISSN 0037-7333.
- McMahon, Kevin J (2004), Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race: How the Presidency Paved the Road to Brown, ISBN 978-0-226-50088-1.
- Miscamble, Wilson D. (2007). From Roosevelt to Truman: Potsdam, Hiroshima, and the Cold War. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-86244-8.
- Pederson, William D (2011), A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN 978-1-4443-3016-8, 768 pages; essays by scholars covering major historiographical themes. online
- Rauchway, Eric (2008), The Great Depression and The New Deal; A Very Short Introduction, ISBN 978-0-19-532634-5, balanced summary
- Ritchie, Donald A (2007), Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932, ISBN 978-0-7006-1687-9.
- Rosen, Elliot A (2005), Roosevelt, the Great Depression, and the Economics of Recovery, ISBN 978-0-8139-2368-0.
- Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr (1957–1960), The Age of Roosevelt, 3 volumes, OCLC 466716, the classic narrative history. Strongly supports FDR.
- Shaw, Stephen K; Pederson, William D; Williams, Frank J, eds. (2004), Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Transformation of the Supreme Court, ISBN 978-0-7656-1033-1.
- Sitkoff, Harvard, ed. (1985), Fifty Years Later: The New Deal Evaluated (essays by scholars), ISBN 978-0-394-33548-3.
Foreign policy and World War II
- Berthon, Simon; Potts, Joanna (2007). Warlords: An Extraordinary Re-creation of World War II through the Eyes and Minds of Hitler, Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin. Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-306-81650-5.
- Beschloss, Michael (2002). The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman, and the destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941–1945. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-81027-0.
- Cole, Wayne S (March 1957), "American Entry into World War II: A Historiographical Appraisal", The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 43 (4): 595–617, doi:10.2307/1902275, JSTOR 1902275, S2CID 165593382.
- Feis, Herbert. Churchill-Roosevelt-Stalin: The War they waged and the Peace they sought (1953).
- Fenby, Jonathan. Alliance: the inside story of how Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill won one war and began another (2015).
- Glantz, Mary E (2005), FDR and the Soviet Union: The President's Battles over Foreign Policy, U. Press of Kansas, ISBN 978-0-7006-1365-6, 253 pp.
- Hamilton, Nigel (2014), The Mantle of Command: FDR at War, 1941–1942, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt 514 pp.
- Kaiser, David. No End Save Victory: How FDR Led the Nation into War (2014) ISBN 046501982X
- Lacey, James. The Washington War: FDR's Inner Circle and the Politics of Power That Won World War II (2019)
- Langer, William; Gleason, S Everett (1952), The Challenge to Isolation, 1937–1940, OCLC 1448535. The Undeclared War, 1940–1941 (1953) OCLC 404227. highly detailed and influential two-volume semi-official history
- Mayers, David. (2013) FDR's Ambassadors and the Diplomacy of Crisis: From the Rise of Hitler to the End of World War II.
- Larrabee, Eric (2004), Commander in Chief: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, His Lieutenants, and Their War, ISBN 978-0-06-039050-1.
- Reynolds, David (2006), From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt, and the International History of the 1940s, ISBN 978-0-19-928411-5
- Reynolds, David, and Vladimir Pechatnov, eds. The Kremlin Letters: Stalin's Wartime Correspondence with Churchill and Roosevelt (2019)
- Sherwood, Robert E (1949) [1950], Roosevelt and Hopkins: an Intimate History, Harper, hdl:2027/heb.00749, Pulitzer Prize.
- Weinberg, Gerhard L (1994), A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II, Cambridge University Press, hdl:2027/heb.00331, ISBN 978-0-521-44317-3. Overall history of the war; strong on diplomacy of FDR and other main leaders.
Criticism
- Barnes, Harry Elmer (1953), Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace: A Critical Examination of the Foreign Policy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Its Aftermath, OCLC 457149. A revisionist blames FDR for inciting Japan to attack.
- Best, Gary Dean (1991), Pride, Prejudice, and Politics: Roosevelt Versus Recovery, 1933–1938, Praeger, ISBN 978-0-275-93524-5; summarizes newspaper editorials.
- ——— (2002), The Retreat from Liberalism: Collectivists versus Progressives in the New Deal Years, Praeger, ISBN 978-0-275-94656-2; criticizes intellectuals who supported FDR.
- Breitman, Richard; Lichtman, Allan J (2013), FDR and the Jews, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-05026-6, OCLC 812248674, 433 pp.
- Russett, Bruce M (1997), No Clear and Present Danger: A Skeptical View of the United States Entry into World War II (2nd ed.), says US should have let USSR and Germany destroy each other.
- Plaud, Joseph J (2005), Historical Perspectives on Franklin D. Roosevelt, American Foreign Policy, and the Holocaust, The FDR American Heritage Center Museum, archived from the original on January 12, 2014.
- Powell, Jim (2003), FDR's Folly: How Roosevelt and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression, ISBN 978-0-7615-0165-7.
- Schivelbusch, Wolfgang (2006), Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933–1939.
- Shlaes, Amity (2007), The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression (A critical evaluation of the effect of the New Deal's policies on the Depression)
- Smiley, Gene (1993), Rethinking the Great Depression (short essay) by libertarian economist who blames both Hoover and FDR.
FDR's rhetoric
- Buhite, Russell D; Levy, David W, eds. (1993), FDR's Fireside Chats.
- Craig, Douglas B (2005), Fireside Politics: Radio and Political Culture in the United States, 1920–1940.
- Crowell, Laura (1952), "Building the 'Four Freedoms' Speech", Communication Monographs, 22 (5): 266–83, doi:10.1080/03637755509375153.
- Houck, Davis W (2001), Rhetoric as Currency: Hoover, Roosevelt, and the Great Depression, Texas A&M University Press.
- ——— (2002), FDR and Fear Itself: The First Inaugural Address, Texas A&M University Press.
- Roosevelt, Franklin D. (2005), My Friends: Twenty Eight History Making Speeches, Kessinger Publishing, ISBN 978-1-4179-9610-0
- ——— (1988), Franklin D. Roosevelt's Rhetorical Presidency, Greenwood Press.
- Harvey J. Kaye (2020), FDR on Democracy: The Greatest Speeches and Writings of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Simon & Schuster, New York, ISBN 978-1-5107-5216-0.
Historiography
- Hendrickson, Jr., Kenneth E. "FDR Biographies," in William D. Pederson, ed. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt (2011) pp 1–14 online
- Provizer, Norman W. "Eleanor Roosevelt Biographies," in William D. Pederson, ed. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt (2011) pp 15–33 online
Primary sources
- Cantril, Hadley; Strunk, Mildred, eds. (1951), Public Opinion, 1935–1946, massive compilation of many public opinion polls from the US.
- Loewenheim, Francis L; Langley, Harold D, eds. (1975), Roosevelt and Churchill: Their Secret Wartime Correspondence.
- Roosevelt, Franklin Delano (1945) [1938], Rosenman, Samuel Irving (ed.), The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 13 volumes.
- ——— (1946), Zevin, BD (ed.), Nothing to Fear: The Selected Addresses of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1932–1945.
- ——— (2005) [1947], Taylor, Myron C (ed.), Wartime Correspondence Between President Roosevelt and Pope Pius XII (reprint), Kessinger Publishing, ISBN 978-1-4191-6654-9.
- Roosevelt, Franklin. Franklin D. Roosevelt and foreign affairs (FDR Library, 1969) 14 vol online free to borrow; covers Jan 1933 to Aug 1939; 9 volumes are online
- Nixon, Edgar B, ed. (1969), Franklin D Roosevelt and Foreign Affairs (3 vol), covers 1933–37. 2nd series 1937–39 available on microfiche and in a 14 vol print edition at some academic libraries.
Внешние ссылки
Definitions from Wiktionary- Media from Wikimedia Commons
- Quotations from Wikiquote
- Texts from Wikisource
- Data from Wikidata
- White House biography
- Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum
- Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, Washington, DC
- Full text and audio of a number of Roosevelt's speeches – Miller Center of Public Affairs
- "Franklin D. Roosevelt collected news and commentary". The New York Times. Retrieved February 17, 2018.
- Finding Aid to Franklin Delano Roosevelt Collection, 1914–1945 at the New York State Library, accessed May 18, 2016.
- Franklin Delano Roosevelt: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- "Life Portrait of Franklin D. Roosevelt", from C-SPAN's American Presidents: Life Portraits, October 11, 1999
- The Presidents: FDR – an American Experience documentary
- Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Selections from His Writings
- Works by Franklin Delano Roosevelt at Project Gutenberg
- Works by Franklin D. Roosevelt at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- Works by or about Franklin D. Roosevelt at Internet Archive
