Black Death (также известный как Мор , в Великой смертности или чумы ) была бубонная чума пандемия происходит в афро-Евразии от 1346 до 1353 [а] Это самая фатальная пандемия записано в истории человечества, что привело к смерти 75–200 миллионов человек в Евразии и Северной Африке , пик в Европе с 1347 по 1351 год. [1] [2] Бубонная чума вызывается бактерией Yersinia pestis , но также может вызывать сепсис или сепсис.легочные чумы . [3] [4]
Черная смерть | |
---|---|
Болезнь | Бубонная чума |
Место расположения | Евразия, Северная Африка |
Дата | 1346–1353 |
Летальные исходы | 75 000 000–200 000 000 (оценка) |
Черная смерть стала началом второй пандемии чумы . [5] Чума вызвала религиозные, социальные и экономические потрясения, оказавшие глубокое влияние на ход европейской истории.
Происхождение Черной смерти оспаривается. Пандемия возникла либо в Средней Азии, либо в Восточной Азии, но ее первое окончательное проявление было в Крыму в 1347 году. [6] Из Крыма она, скорее всего, была перенесена блохами, живущими на черных крысах, которые путешествовали на генуэзских невольничьих кораблях и распространились по Средиземному морю. Бассейн и достигая Африки, Западной Азии и остальной Европы через Константинополь , Сицилию и Итальянский полуостров . Есть свидетельства того, что после того, как Черная смерть вышла на берег, Черная смерть была в значительной степени распространена блохами, которые вызывают легочную чуму, и личным контактом с помощью аэрозолей, который возможен при легочной чуме, что объясняет очень быстрое внутреннее распространение эпидемии. , что было быстрее, чем можно было бы ожидать, если бы основным переносчиком были крысиные блохи, вызывающие бубонную чуму. [7]
Черная смерть была вторым крупным стихийным бедствием, поразившим Европу в период позднего средневековья (первым из которых был Великий голод 1315–1317 годов ), и, по оценкам, унесло жизни от 30 до 60 процентов европейского населения. [8] [9] [10] Чума, возможно, уменьшила население мира от c. 475 миллионов до 350–375 миллионов в 14 веке. [11] В период позднего средневековья были и другие вспышки, и, с учетом других факторов ( кризис позднего средневековья ), европейское население не восстановило свой уровень в 1300 году до 1500 года. [B] [12] Вспышки эпидемии чума повторялась по всему миру до начала 19 века.
Имена
Европейские писатели, современники чумы, описывали болезнь на латинском языке как pestis или pestilentia , «мор»; эпидемия , «эпидемия»; mortalitas , «смертность». [13] На английском языке до 18 века это событие называлось «эпидемией» или «великой эпидемией», «чумой» или «великой смертью». [13] [14] [15] После пандемии был применен термин « furste moreyn » (первый муррейн ) или «первая эпидемия», чтобы отличить явление середины 14 века от других инфекционных заболеваний и эпидемий чумы. [13] Пандемическая чума 1347 года не упоминалась конкретно как «черная» в 14 или 15 веках на любом европейском языке, хотя выражение «черная смерть» иногда применялось к смертельной болезни заранее. [13]
«Черная смерть» не использовалась для описания пандемии чумы на английском языке до 1750-х годов; термин впервые засвидетельствован в 1755 году, где он был переведен на датский : den sorte død , букв. 'черная смерть'. [13] [16] Это выражение как собственное название пандемии было популяризировано шведскими и датскими летописцами в 15-м и начале 16-го веков, а в 16-м и 17-м веках было переведено на другие языки как калька : исландский : svarti dauði , немецкий : der schwarze Tod и французский : la mort noire . [17] [18] Ранее в большинстве европейских языков пандемия называлась вариантом или калькой латыни : magna mortalitas , букв. «Великая смерть». [13]
Фраза «черная смерть», описывающая Смерть как черную, очень старая. Гомер использовал его в « Одиссее», чтобы описать чудовищную Сциллу с ее ртами, «полными черной смерти» ( древнегреческий : πλεῖοι μέλανος Θανάτοιο , латинизированный : pleîoi mélanos Thanátoio ). [19] [17] Сенека Младший, возможно, был первым, кто описал эпидемию как «черная смерть» ( лат . Mors atra ), но только в отношении острой летальности и мрачного прогноза болезни. [20] [17] [13] Французский врач XII – XIII веков Жиль де Корбей уже использовал atra mors для обозначения «чумной лихорадки» ( febris pestilentialis ) в своей работе «Признаки и симптомы болезней» ( De signis et al. симптоматибус aegritudium ). [17] [21] Фраза mors nigra , «черная смерть», была использована в 1350 году бельгийским астрономом Симоном де Ковино (или Кувеном) в его стихотворении «Суд над солнцем на празднике Сатурна» ( De judicio Solis in convivio Saturni ), который приписывает чуму астрологическому соединению Юпитера и Сатурна. [22] Его использование этой фразы не связано однозначно с пандемией чумы 1347 года и, по-видимому, относится к фатальному исходу болезни. [13]
Историк кардинал Фрэнсис Эйдан Гаске писал о Великой Чуме в 1893 году [23] и предположил, что это была «какая-то форма обычной восточной или бубонной чумы». [24] [c] В 1908 году Гаске утверждал, что использование названия атра морс для эпидемии 14 века впервые появилось в 1631 году в книге по истории Дании Дж. И. Понтануса : «Обычно и из-за его последствий они называли это черной смертью. "( Vulgo & ab effectu atram mortem vocitabant ). [25] [26]
Предыдущие эпидемии чумы
Недавние исследования показали, что люди впервые заразились чумой в Европе и Азии в эпоху позднего неолита - раннего бронзового века. [28] Исследования, проведенные в 2018 году, обнаружили свидетельства наличия Yersinia pestis в древней шведской гробнице, что, возможно, было связано с « неолитическим упадком » около 3000 г. до н.э., когда европейское население значительно сократилось. [29] [30] Этот Y. pestis, возможно, отличался от более современных типов, с бубонной чумой, передаваемой блохами, впервые известными из бронзового века, останками недалеко от Самары . [31]
Симптомы бубонной чумы сначала засвидетельствованы в фрагменте из Руфуса Эфеса сохраняется Oribasius ; эти древние медицинские авторитеты предполагают бубонная чума появилась в Римской империи до правления Траяна , шесть столетий до прибытия в Пелусия в царствование Юстиниана I . [32] В 2013 году исследователи подтвердили ранее предположение , что причиной чумы Юстиниана (541-542 CE, с рецидивами до 750) был Y . pestis . [33] [34] Это известно как Первая пандемия чумы .
Чума 14 века
Причины
Ранняя теория
Наиболее авторитетный современный отчет содержится в отчете медицинского факультета в Париже Филиппу VI из Франции . Он обвинил небеса в соединении трех планет в 1345 году, которое вызвало «сильную эпидемию в воздухе» ( теория миазмов ). [35] Мусульманские религиозные ученые учили, что пандемия была «мученичеством и милосердием» от Бога, обеспечивающим верующим место в раю. Для неверующих это было наказанием. [36] Некоторые мусульманские врачи предостерегали от попыток предотвратить или вылечить болезнь, посланную Богом. Другие приняли превентивные меры и методы лечения чумы, используемые европейцами. Эти мусульманские врачи также полагались на писания древних греков. [37] [38]
Преобладающая современная теория
Из-за изменения климата в Азии грызуны начали покидать высохшие луга в более густонаселенные районы, распространяя болезнь. [39] Чума, вызываемая бактерией Yersinia pestis , является энзоотической (обычно присутствует) в популяциях блох, переносимых наземными грызунами , включая сурков , в различных регионах, включая Центральную Азию , Курдистан , Западную Азию , Северную Индию , Уганду и запад США. [40] [41]
Y. pestis был обнаружен Александром Йерсеном , учеником Луи Пастера , во время эпидемии бубонной чумы в Гонконге в 1894 году; Йерсин также доказал, что эта бацилла присутствует у грызунов, и предположил, что крыса была основным средством передачи инфекции. [42] [43] Механизм, с помощью которого обычно передается Y. pestis , был установлен в 1898 году Полом-Луи Симондом и, как было обнаружено, связан с укусами блох, чьи средние кишки были заблокированы репликацией Y. pestis через несколько дней после кормления зараженный хост. Эта блокировка заставляет блох голодать и заставляет их вести себя агрессивно при кормлении и пытается устранить блокировку путем срыгивания , в результате чего тысячи бактерий чумы попадают в место кормления, заражая хозяина. Механизм бубонной чумы также зависел от двух популяций грызунов: одной, устойчивой к заболеванию, которые действуют как хозяева , сохраняя эндемичность болезни , и второй, у которой отсутствует устойчивость. Когда вторая популяция умирает, блохи переходят к другим хозяевам, включая людей, тем самым создавая человеческую эпидемию . [24]
Доказательства ДНК
Окончательное подтверждение роли Y. pestis появилось в 2010 году в публикации Haensch et al. В PLOS Pathogens . [3] [d] Они оценили присутствие ДНК / РНК с помощью полимеразной цепной реакции метод (ПЦР) для Y. Pestis от зубов гнезд в человеческих скелетах из массовых захоронений в северной, центральной и южной Европе , которые были связаны с археологический Black Смерть и последующие возрождения. Авторы пришли к выводу, что это новое исследование вместе с предыдущими анализами, проведенными на юге Франции и Германии, «завершает дискуссию о причине Черной смерти и недвусмысленно демонстрирует, что Y. pestis был возбудителем эпидемической чумы, опустошившей Европу. в средние века ». [3] В 2011 году эти результаты были дополнительно подтверждены генетическими доказательствами, полученными от жертв Черной смерти в захоронении Ист-Смитфилд в Англии. Schuenemann et al. в 2011 году пришел к выводу, что «Черная смерть в средневековой Европе была вызвана разновидностью Y. pestis, которая, возможно, больше не существует». [46]
Позже в 2011 году Bos et al. сообщил в Nature о первом проекте генома Y. pestis от жертв чумы с того же кладбища Ист-Смитфилд и указал, что штамм, вызвавший Черную смерть, является предком большинства современных штаммов Y. pestis . [46]
С этого времени дальнейшие геномные работы подтвердили филогенетическое положение штамма Y. pestis, ответственного за Черную смерть, как предка [47] более поздних эпидемий чумы, включая третью пандемию чумы, и как потомка [48] этого штамма. ответственен за чуму Юстиниана . Кроме того, были восстановлены геномы чумы значительно более ранней доисторической эпохи. [49]
ДНК, взятая у 25 скелетов из Лондона 14 века, показала, что чума - это штамм Y. pestis, почти идентичный тому, который поразил Мадагаскар в 2013 году . [50] [51]
Альтернативные объяснения
Признано, что эпидемиологический учет чумы так же важен, как и идентификация симптомов, но исследователям мешает отсутствие надежных статистических данных за этот период. Большая часть работы была проделана в отношении распространения болезни в Англии, и даже оценки общей численности населения на начальном этапе разнятся более чем на 100%, поскольку с момента публикации « Книги судного дня 1086 года» до подушного налога в Англии не проводилась перепись. 1377 года. [52] Оценки жертв чумы обычно экстраполируются из цифр для духовенства.
Математическое моделирование используется для сопоставления схем распространения и средств передачи . Исследование, проведенное в 2018 году, поставило под сомнение популярную гипотезу о том, что «инфицированные крысы умерли, их паразиты-блохи могли перепрыгнуть с недавно умерших крыс-хозяев на людей». В нем была предложена альтернативная модель, в которой «болезнь передавалась от человеческих блох и вшей другим людям». Вторая модель утверждает, что лучше соответствует тенденциям числа погибших, поскольку гипотеза крыса-блоха-человек привела бы к отсроченному, но очень высокому всплеску смертности, что противоречит историческим данным. [53] [54]
Ларс Валлё жалуется, что все эти авторы «считают само собой разумеющимся, что модель инфекции Симонда , черная крыса → крысиная блоха → человек, которая была разработана для объяснения распространения чумы в Индии, - это единственный способ распространения эпидемии инфекции Yersinia pestis. ", указывая на несколько других возможностей. [55] Точно так же Моника Грин утверждала, что необходимо уделять больше внимания ряду (особенно некомменсальных ) животных, которые могут быть вовлечены в передачу чумы. [32]
Археолог Барни Слоан утверждал, что в археологических записях средневековой набережной Лондона недостаточно доказательств исчезновения многочисленных крыс и что болезнь распространилась слишком быстро, чтобы подтвердить тезис о том, что Y. pestis распространился от блох на крыс; он утверждает, что передача должна была происходить от человека к человеку. [56] [57] Эта теория подтверждается исследованиями 2018 года, согласно которым передача инфекции была более вероятна через вшей и блох во время второй пандемии чумы . [58]
Резюме
Хотя академические дебаты продолжаются, ни одно альтернативное решение не получило широкого признания. [24] Многие ученые, утверждающие, что Y. pestis является основным возбудителем пандемии, предполагают, что ее масштабы и симптомы можно объяснить сочетанием бубонной чумы с другими заболеваниями, включая тиф , оспу и респираторные инфекции . Помимо бубонной инфекции, другие указывают на дополнительные септицемические (тип «заражения крови») и легочные (воздушно-капельная чума, поражающая легкие раньше всего тела) формы чумы, которые удлиняют продолжительность вспышек на протяжении всего периода жизни. сезоны и помогают объяснить высокий уровень смертности и дополнительные зарегистрированные симптомы. [59] В 2014 году Управление общественного здравоохранения Англии объявило результаты исследования 25 тел, эксгумированных в районе Клеркенвелл в Лондоне, а также завещаний, зарегистрированных в Лондоне в течение этого периода, которые подтвердили гипотезу о легочной болезни. [50] В настоящее время, хотя остеоархеологи окончательно подтвердили присутствие бактерий Y. pestis в захоронениях по всей Северной Европе путем исследования костей и пульпы зуба, не было обнаружено никаких других эпидемических патогенов, подтверждающих альтернативные объяснения. По словам одного исследователя: «Наконец, чума - это чума». [60]
Передача инфекции
Важность гигиены была признана только в девятнадцатом веке с развитием микробной теории болезней ; до этого улицы были обычно грязными, с множеством живых животных и паразитов, способствующих распространению заразных болезней . [61]
Территориальное происхождение
По словам группы медицинских генетиков во главе с Марком Ахтманом, которые проанализировали генетические вариации бактерии, Yersinia pestis «эволюционировала в Китае или рядом с ним» [62] [63], откуда она распространилась по всему миру в виде множественных эпидемий. Более позднее исследование, проведенное группой под руководством Галины Ерошенко, более конкретно указывает на происхождение в горах Тянь-Шаня на границе между Кыргызстаном и Китаем. [64]
В несторианских могилах 1338–1339 годов около Иссык-Куля в Кыргызстане есть надписи, относящиеся к чуме, что заставило некоторых историков и эпидемиологов думать, что они знаменуют собой вспышку эпидемии . Другие выступают за происхождение из Китая. [65] Согласно этой теории, болезнь могла распространиться по Великому шелковому пути с монгольскими армиями и торговцами или прибыть на корабле. [66] Эпидемии убили около 25 миллионов человек по всей Азии за пятнадцать лет до того, как Черная смерть достигла Константинополя в 1347 году. [67] [68]
Исследования Делийского султаната и династии Юань не показывают никаких доказательств серьезной эпидемии в Индии четырнадцатого века и никаких конкретных доказательств чумы в Китае четырнадцатого века, что позволяет предположить, что Черная смерть, возможно, не достигла этих регионов. [69] [66] [70] Оле Бенедиктов утверждает, что, поскольку первые четкие сообщения о Черной смерти пришли из Каффы , Черная смерть, скорее всего, возникла в ближайшем очаге чумы на северо-западном берегу Каспийского моря . [71]
Европейская вспышка
... Но в конце концов он пришел в Глостер, да даже в Оксфорд и в Лондон, и, наконец, он распространился по всей Англии и так истощил людей, что в живых остался едва ли не десятый человек.
Джеффри Пекарь , Chronicon Angliae [72]
Сообщается, что впервые чума была занесена в Европу через генуэзских торговцев из их портового города Каффа в Крыму в 1347 году. Во время длительной осады города в 1345–1346 годах монгольское золотоордынское войско Джани-Бека , чьи в основном татарские войска страдали от болезнь катапультировала инфицированные трупы через городские стены Каффы, чтобы заразить жителей [73], хотя более вероятно, что зараженные крысы пересекали линии осады и распространяли эпидемию среди жителей. [74] [75] Когда болезнь распространилась, генуэзские торговцы бежали через Черное море в Константинополь , откуда болезнь впервые попала в Европу летом 1347 года. [76]
The epidemic there killed the 13-year-old son of the Byzantine emperor, John VI Kantakouzenos, who wrote a description of the disease modelled on Thucydides's account of the 5th century BCE Plague of Athens, but noting the spread of the Black Death by ship between maritime cities.[76] Nicephorus Gregoras also described in writing to Demetrios Kydones the rising death toll, the futility of medicine, and the panic of the citizens.[76] The first outbreak in Constantinople lasted a year, but the disease recurred ten times before 1400.[76]
Carried by twelve Genoese galleys, plague arrived by ship in Sicily in October 1347;[77] the disease spread rapidly all over the island. Galleys from Kaffa reached Genoa and Venice in January 1348, but it was the outbreak in Pisa a few weeks later that was the entry point to northern Italy. Towards the end of January, one of the galleys expelled from Italy arrived in Marseilles.[78]
From Italy, the disease spread northwest across Europe, striking France, Spain (the epidemic began to wreak havoc first on the Crown of Aragon in the spring of 1348),[79] Portugal and England by June 1348, then spread east and north through Germany, Scotland and Scandinavia from 1348 to 1350. It was introduced into Norway in 1349 when a ship landed at Askøy, then spread to Bjørgvin (modern Bergen) and Iceland.[80] Finally, it spread to northwestern Russia in 1351. Plague was somewhat more uncommon in parts of Europe with less developed trade with their neighbours, including the majority of the Basque Country, isolated parts of Belgium and the Netherlands, and isolated Alpine villages throughout the continent.[81][82][83]
According to some epidemiologists, periods of unfavourable weather decimated plague-infected rodent populations and forced their fleas onto alternative hosts,[84] inducing plague outbreaks which often peaked in the hot summers of the Mediterranean,[85] as well as during the cool autumn months of the southern Baltic states.[86][e] Among many other culprits of plague contagiousness, malnutrition, even if distantly, also contributed to such an immense loss in European population, since it weakened immune systems.[89]
Western Asian and North African outbreak
The disease struck various regions in the Middle East and North Africa during the pandemic, leading to serious depopulation and permanent change in both economic and social structures.[90] As infected rodents infected new rodents, the disease spread across the region, entering also from southern Russia.
By autumn 1347, plague had reached Alexandria in Egypt, transmitted by sea from Constantinople; according to a contemporary witness, from a single merchant ship carrying slaves.[91] By late summer 1348 it reached Cairo, capital of the Mamluk Sultanate, cultural centre of the Islamic world, and the largest city in the Mediterranean Basin; the Bahriyya child sultan an-Nasir Hasan fled and more than a third of the 600,000 residents died.[92] The Nile was choked with corpses despite Cairo having a medieval hospital, the late 13th century bimaristan of the Qalawun complex.[92] The historian al-Maqrizi described the abundant work for grave-diggers and practitioners of funeral rites, and plague recurred in Cairo more than fifty times over the following century and half.[92]
During 1347, the disease travelled eastward to Gaza by April; by July it had reached Damascus, and in October plague had broken out in Aleppo.[91] That year, in the territory of modern Lebanon, Syria, Israel, and Palestine, the cities of Ashkelon, Acre, Jerusalem, Sidon, and Homs were all infected. In 1348–1349, the disease reached Antioch. The city's residents fled to the north, but most of them ended up dying during the journey.[93] Within two years, the plague had spread throughout the Islamic world, from Arabia across North Africa.[36][page needed] The pandemic spread westwards from Alexandria along the African coast, while in April 1348 Tunis was infected by ship from Sicily. Tunis was then under attack by an army from Morocco; this army dispersed in 1348 and brought the contagion with them to Morocco, whose epidemic may also have been seeded from the Islamic city of Almería in al-Andalus.[91]
Mecca became infected in 1348 by pilgrims performing the Hajj.[91] In 1351 or 1352, the Rasulid sultan of the Yemen, al-Mujahid Ali, was released from Mamluk captivity in Egypt and carried plague with him on his return home.[91][94] During 1348, records show the city of Mosul suffered a massive epidemic, and the city of Baghdad experienced a second round of the disease.[citation needed]
Signs and symptoms
Bubonic plague
Symptoms of the disease include fever of 38–41 °C (100–106 °F), headaches, painful aching joints, nausea and vomiting, and a general feeling of malaise. Left untreated, of those that contract the bubonic plague, 80 percent die within eight days.[95]
Contemporary accounts of the pandemic are varied and often imprecise. The most commonly noted symptom was the appearance of buboes (or gavocciolos) in the groin, neck, and armpits, which oozed pus and bled when opened.[59] Boccaccio's description:
In men and women alike it first betrayed itself by the emergence of certain tumours in the groin or armpits, some of which grew as large as a common apple, others as an egg ... From the two said parts of the body this deadly gavocciolo soon began to propagate and spread itself in all directions indifferently; after which the form of the malady began to change, black spots or livid making their appearance in many cases on the arm or the thigh or elsewhere, now few and large, now minute and numerous. As the gavocciolo had been and still was an infallible token of approaching death, such also were these spots on whomsoever they showed themselves.[96][97][f]
This was followed by acute fever and vomiting of blood. Most victims died two to seven days after initial infection. Freckle-like spots and rashes,[99] which could have been caused by flea-bites, were identified as another potential sign of plague.
Pneumonic plague
Lodewijk Heyligen, whose master the Cardinal Colonna died of plague in 1348, noted a distinct form of the disease, pneumonic plague, that infected the lungs and led to respiratory problems.[59] Symptoms include fever, cough, and blood-tinged sputum. As the disease progresses, sputum becomes free-flowing and bright red. Pneumonic plague has a mortality rate of 90 to 95 percent.[100]
Septicaemic plague
Septicaemic plague is the least common of the three forms, with a mortality rate near 100%. Symptoms are high fevers and purple skin patches (purpura due to disseminated intravascular coagulation).[100] In cases of pneumonic and particularly septicaemic plague, the progress of the disease is so rapid that there would often be no time for the development of the enlarged lymph nodes that were noted as buboes.[100]
Consequences
Deaths
There are no exact figures for the death toll; the rate varied widely by locality. In urban centres, the greater the population before the outbreak, the longer the duration of the period of abnormal mortality.[101] It killed some 75 to 200 million people in Eurasia.[102][103][104][better source needed] The mortality rate of the Black Death in the 14th century was far greater than the worst 20th-century outbreaks of Y. pestis plague, which occurred in India and killed as much as 3% of the population of certain cities.[105] The overwhelming number of deceased bodies produced by the Black Death caused the necessity of mass burial sites in Europe, sometimes including up to several hundred or several thousand skeletons.[106] The mass burial sites that have been excavated have allowed archaeologists to continue interpreting and defining the biological, sociological, historical, and anthropological implications of the Black Death.[106]
According to medieval historian Philip Daileader, it is likely that over four years, 45–50% of the European population died of plague.[107][g] Norwegian historian Ole Benedictow suggests it could have been as much as 60% of the European population.[108][h] In 1348, the disease spread so rapidly that before any physicians or government authorities had time to reflect upon its origins, about a third of the European population had already perished. In crowded cities, it was not uncommon for as much as 50% of the population to die.[24] Half of Paris' population of 100,000 people died. In Italy, the population of Florence was reduced from between 110,000 and 120,000 inhabitants in 1338 down to 50,000 in 1351. At least 60% of the population of Hamburg and Bremen perished,[109] and a similar percentage of Londoners may have died from the disease as well,[50] with a death toll of approximately 62,000 between 1346 and 1353.[39][i] Florence's tax records suggest that 80% of the city's population died within four months in 1348.[105] Before 1350, there were about 170,000 settlements in Germany, and this was reduced by nearly 40,000 by 1450.[111] The disease bypassed some areas, with the most isolated areas being less vulnerable to contagion. Plague did not appear in Douai in Flanders until the turn of the 15th century, and the impact was less severe on the populations of Hainaut, Finland, northern Germany, and areas of Poland.[105] Monks, nuns, and priests were especially hard-hit since they cared for victims of the Black Death.[112]
The physician to the Avignon Papacy, Raimundo Chalmel de Vinario (Latin: Magister Raimundus, lit. 'Master Raymond'), observed the decreasing mortality rate of successive outbreaks of plague in 1347–48, 1362, 1371, and 1382 in his 1382 treatise On Epidemics (De epidemica).[113] In the first outbreak, two thirds of the population contracted the illness and most patients died; in the next, half the population became ill but only some died; by the third, a tenth were affected and many survived; while by the fourth occurrence, only one in twenty people were sickened and most of them survived.[113] By the 1380s in Europe, it predominantly affected children.[105] Chalmel de Vinario recognized that bloodletting was ineffective (though he continued to prescribe bleeding for members of the Roman Curia, whom he disliked), and claimed that all true cases of plague were caused by astrological factors and were incurable; he himself was never able to effect a cure.[113]
The most widely accepted estimate for the Middle East, including Iraq, Iran, and Syria, during this time, is for a death toll of about a third of the population.[114] The Black Death killed about 40% of Egypt's population.[115] In Cairo, with a population numbering as many as 600,000, and possibly the largest city west of China, between one third and 40% of the inhabitants died inside of eight months.[92]
Italian chronicler Agnolo di Tura recorded his experience from Siena, where plague arrived in May 1348:
Father abandoned child, wife husband, one brother another; for this illness seemed to strike through the breath and sight. And so they died. And none could be found to bury the dead for money or friendship. Members of a household brought their dead to a ditch as best they could, without priest, without divine offices ... great pits were dug and piled deep with the multitude of dead. And they died by the hundreds both day and night ... And as soon as those ditches were filled more were dug ... And I, Agnolo di Tura ... buried my five children with my own hands. And there were also those who were so sparsely covered with earth that the dogs dragged them forth and devoured many bodies throughout the city. There was no one who wept for any death, for all awaited death. And so many died that all believed it was the end of the world.[116]
Economic
With such a large population decline from the pandemic, wages soared in response to a labour shortage.[117] On the other hand, in the quarter century after the Black Death in England, it is clear many labourers, artisans, and craftsmen, those living from money-wages alone, did suffer a reduction in real incomes owing to rampant inflation.[118] Landowners were also pushed to substitute monetary rents for labour services in an effort to keep tenants.[119]
Environmental
Some historians believe the innumerable deaths brought on by the pandemic cooled the climate by freeing up land and triggering reforestation. This may have led to the Little Ice Age.[120]
Persecutions
Renewed religious fervour and fanaticism bloomed in the wake of the Black Death. Some Europeans targeted "various groups such as Jews, friars, foreigners, beggars, pilgrims", lepers,[121][122] and Romani, blaming them for the crisis. Lepers, and others with skin diseases such as acne or psoriasis, were killed throughout Europe.
Because 14th-century healers and governments were at a loss to explain or stop the disease, Europeans turned to astrological forces, earthquakes, and the poisoning of wells by Jews as possible reasons for outbreaks.[14] Many believed the epidemic was a punishment by God for their sins, and could be relieved by winning God's forgiveness.[123]
There were many attacks against Jewish communities.[124] In the Strasbourg massacre of February 1349, about 2,000 Jews were murdered.[124] In August 1349, the Jewish communities in Mainz and Cologne were annihilated. By 1351, 60 major and 150 smaller Jewish communities had been destroyed.[125] During this period many Jews relocated to Poland, where they received a warm welcome from King Casimir the Great.[126]
Social
One theory that has been advanced is that the devastation in Florence caused by the Black Death, which hit Europe between 1348 and 1350, resulted in a shift in the world view of people in 14th-century Italy and led to the Renaissance. Italy was particularly badly hit by the pandemic, and it has been speculated that the resulting familiarity with death caused thinkers to dwell more on their lives on Earth, rather than on spirituality and the afterlife.[127][j] It has also been argued that the Black Death prompted a new wave of piety, manifested in the sponsorship of religious works of art.[129]
This does not fully explain why the Renaissance occurred in Italy in the 14th century. The Black Death was a pandemic that affected all of Europe in the ways described, not only Italy. The Renaissance's emergence in Italy was most likely the result of the complex interaction of the above factors,[130] in combination with an influx of Greek scholars following the fall of the Byzantine Empire.[citation needed] As a result of the drastic reduction in the populace the value of the working class increased, and commoners came to enjoy more freedom. To answer the increased need for labour, workers travelled in search of the most favorable position economically.[131][better source needed]
Prior to the emergence of the Black Death, the workings of Europe were run by the Catholic Church and the continent was considered a feudalistic society, composed of fiefs and city-states.[132] The pandemic completely restructured both religion and political forces; survivors began to turn to other forms of spirituality and the power dynamics of the fiefs and city-states crumbled.[132][133]
Cairo's population, partly owing to the numerous plague epidemics, was in the early 18th century half of what it was in 1347.[92] The populations of some Italian cities, notably Florence, did not regain their pre-14th century size until the 19th century.[134] The demographic decline due to the pandemic had economic consequences: the prices of food dropped and land values declined by 30–40% in most parts of Europe between 1350 and 1400.[135] Landholders faced a great loss, but for ordinary men and women it was a windfall. The survivors of the pandemic found not only that the prices of food were lower but also that lands were more abundant, and many of them inherited property from their dead relatives, and this probably destabilized feudalism.[136][137]
The word "quarantine" has its roots in this period, though the concept of isolating people to prevent the spread of disease is older. In the city-state of Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik, Croatia), a thirty-day isolation period was implemented in 1377 for new arrivals to the city from plague-affected areas. The isolation period was later extended to forty days, and given the name "quarantino" from the Italian word for "forty".[138]
Рецидивы
Second plague pandemic
The plague repeatedly returned to haunt Europe and the Mediterranean throughout the 14th to 17th centuries.[139] According to Jean-Noël Biraben, the plague was present somewhere in Europe in every year between 1346 and 1671.[140] (Note that some researchers have cautions about the uncritical use of Biraben's data.[141]) The second pandemic was particularly widespread in the following years: 1360–63; 1374; 1400; 1438–39; 1456–57; 1464–66; 1481–85; 1500–03; 1518–31; 1544–48; 1563–66; 1573–88; 1596–99; 1602–11; 1623–40; 1644–54; and 1664–67. Subsequent outbreaks, though severe, marked the retreat from most of Europe (18th century) and northern Africa (19th century).[142] The historian George Sussman argued that the plague had not occurred in East Africa until the 1900s.[69] However, other sources suggest that the Second pandemic did indeed reach Sub-Saharan Africa.[90]
According to historian Geoffrey Parker, "France alone lost almost a million people to the plague in the epidemic of 1628–31."[143] In the first half of the 17th century, a plague claimed some 1.7 million victims in Italy.[144] More than 1.25 million deaths resulted from the extreme incidence of plague in 17th-century Spain.[145]
The Black Death ravaged much of the Islamic world.[146] Plague was present in at least one location in the Islamic world virtually every year between 1500 and 1850.[147] Plague repeatedly struck the cities of North Africa. Algiers lost 30,000–50,000 inhabitants to it in 1620–21, and again in 1654–57, 1665, 1691, and 1740–42.[148] Cairo suffered more than fifty plague epidemics within 150 years from the plague's first appearance, with the final outbreak of the second pandemic there in the 1840s.[92] Plague remained a major event in Ottoman society until the second quarter of the 19th century. Between 1701 and 1750, thirty-seven larger and smaller epidemics were recorded in Constantinople, and an additional thirty-one between 1751 and 1800.[149] Baghdad has suffered severely from visitations of the plague, and sometimes two-thirds of its population has been wiped out.[150]
Third plague pandemic
The third plague pandemic (1855–1859) started in China in the mid-19th century, spreading to all inhabited continents and killing 10 million people in India alone.[151] The investigation of the pathogen that caused the 19th-century plague was begun by teams of scientists who visited Hong Kong in 1894, among whom was the French-Swiss bacteriologist Alexandre Yersin, after whom the pathogen was named.[24]
Twelve plague outbreaks in Australia between 1900 and 1925 resulted in well over 1,000 deaths, chiefly in Sydney. This led to the establishment of a Public Health Department there which undertook some leading-edge research on plague transmission from rat fleas to humans via the bacillus Yersinia pestis.[152]
The first North American plague epidemic was the San Francisco plague of 1900–1904, followed by another outbreak in 1907–1908.[153][154][155]
Modern-day
Modern treatment methods include insecticides, the use of antibiotics, and a plague vaccine. It is feared that the plague bacterium could develop drug resistance and again become a major health threat. One case of a drug-resistant form of the bacterium was found in Madagascar in 1995.[156] A further outbreak in Madagascar was reported in November 2014.[157] In October 2017 the deadliest outbreak of the plague in modern times hit Madagascar, killing 170 people and infecting thousands.[158]
An estimate of the case fatality rate for the modern bubonic plague, following the introduction of antibiotics, is 11%, although it may be higher in underdeveloped regions.[159]
В популярной культуре
- A Journal of the Plague Year – 1722 book by Daniel Defoe describing the Great Plague of London of 1665–1666
- Black Death – a 2010 action horror film set in medieval England in 1348
- I promessi sposi ("The Betrothed") – a plague novel by Alessandro Manzoni, set in Milan, and published in 1827; turned into an opera by Amilcare Ponchielli in 1856, and adapted for film in 1908, 1941, 1990, and 2004
- Cronaca fiorentina ("Chronicle of Florence") – a literary history of the plague, and of Florence up to 1386, by Baldassarre Bonaiuti
- Danse Macabre ("Dance of Death") – an artistic genre of allegory of the Late Middle Ages on the universality of death
- The Decameron – by Giovanni Boccaccio, finished in 1353. Tales told by a group of people sheltering from the Black Death in Florence. Numerous adaptations to other media have been made
- Doomsday Book – a 1992 science fiction novel by Connie Willis
- A Feast in Time of Plague – a verse play by Aleksandr Pushkin (1830), made into an opera by César Cui in 1900
- Four thieves vinegar – a popular French legend supposed to provide immunity to the plague
- Geisslerlieder – Medieval "flagellant songs"
- "A Litany in Time of Plague" – a sonnet by Thomas Nashe which was part of his play Summer's Last Will and Testament (1592)
- The Plague – a 1947 novel by Albert Camus, often read as an allegory about Fascism
- The Seventh Seal – a 1957 film written and directed by Ingmar Bergman
- World Without End – a 2007 novel by Ken Follett, turned into a miniseries of the same name in 2012
- The Years of Rice and Salt – an alternative history novel by Kim Stanley Robinson set in a world in which the plague killed virtually all Europeans
Смотрите также
- Second plague pandemic
- Black Death in medieval culture
- Black Death in England
- Crisis of the Late Middle Ages
- Flagellant
- Globalization and disease
- List of epidemics
- Timeline of plague
Рекомендации
Notes
- ^ Other names include Great Mortality (Latin: magna mortalitas, lit. 'Great Death', common in the 14th century), atra mors, 'black death', the Great Plague, the Great Bubonic Plague or the Black Plague.
- ^ Declining temperatures following the end of the Medieval Warm Period added to the crisis
- ^ He was able to adopt the epidemiology of the bubonic plague for the Black Death for the second edition in 1908, implicating rats and fleas in the process, and his interpretation was widely accepted for other ancient and medieval epidemics, such as the Plague of Justinian that was prevalent in the Eastern Roman Empire from 541 to 700 CE.[24]
- ^ In 1998, Drancourt et al. reported the detection of Y. pestis DNA in human dental pulp from a medieval grave.[44] Another team led by Tom Gilbert cast doubt on this identification[45] and the techniques employed, stating that this method "does not allow us to confirm the identification of Y. pestis as the aetiological agent of the Black Death and subsequent plagues. In addition, the utility of the published tooth-based ancient DNA technique used to diagnose fatal bacteraemias in historical epidemics still awaits independent corroboration".
- ^ However, other researchers do not think that plague ever became endemic in Europe or its rat population. The disease repeatedly wiped out the rodent carriers, so that the fleas died out until a new outbreak from Central Asia repeated the process. The outbreaks have been shown to occur roughly 15 years after a warmer and wetter period in areas where plague is endemic in other species, such as gerbils.[87][88]
- ^ The only medical detail that is questionable in Boccaccio's description is that the gavocciolo was an "infallible token of approaching death", as, if the bubo discharges, recovery is possible.[98]
- ^ According to medieval historian Philip Daileader,
The trend of recent research is pointing to a figure more like 45–50% of the European population dying during a four-year period. There is a fair amount of geographic variation. In Mediterranean Europe, areas such as Italy, the south of France and Spain, where plague ran for about four years consecutively, it was probably closer to 75–80% of the population. In Germany and England ... it was probably closer to 20%.[107]
- ^ Norwegian historian Ole Benedictow suggests:
Detailed study of the mortality data available points to two conspicuous features in relation to the mortality caused by the Black Death: namely the extreme level of mortality caused by the Black Death, and the remarkable similarity or consistency of the level of mortality, from Spain in southern Europe to England in north-western Europe. The data is sufficiently widespread and numerous to make it likely that the Black Death swept away around 60% of Europe's population. The generally assumed population of Europe at the time is about 80 million, implying that around 50 million people died in the Black Death.[108]
- ^ While contemporary accounts report mass burial pits being created in response to the large number of dead, recent scientific investigations of a burial pit in Central London found well-preserved individuals to be buried in isolated, evenly spaced graves, suggesting at least some pre-planning and Christian burials at this time.[110]
- ^ The Black Death caused greater upheaval to Florence's social and political structure than later epidemics. Despite a significant number of deaths among members of the ruling classes, the government of Florence continued to function during this period. Formal meetings of elected representatives were suspended during the height of the epidemic due to the chaotic conditions in the city, but a small group of officials was appointed to conduct the affairs of the city, which ensured continuity of government.[128]
Citations
- ^ Sources for deaths
- Gould & Pyle 1896, p. 617
- ABC/Reuters (29 January 2008). "Black death 'discriminated' between victims (ABC News in Science)". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- "Black Death's Gene Code Cracked". Wired. 3 October 2001. Archived from the original on 26 April 2015. Retrieved 12 February 2015.
- "Health: De-coding the Black Death". BBC. 3 October 2001. Archived from the original on 7 July 2017. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- Aberth 2010
- Deleo & Hinnebusch 2005, pp. 927–28
- ^ "Economic life after Covid-19: Lessons from the Black Death". The Economic Times. 29 March 2020.
- ^ a b c Haensch et al. 2010.
- ^ "Plague". World Health Organization. October 2017. Archived from the original on 24 April 2015. Retrieved 8 November 2017.
- ^ Firth, John (April 2012). "The History of Plague – Part 1. The Three Great Pandemics". jmvh.org. Archived from the original on 2 October 2019. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- ^ Sources for origins
- Hollingsworth, Julia. "Black Death in China: A history of plagues, from ancient times to now". CNN. Archived from the original on 6 March 2020. Retrieved 24 March 2020.
- Benedictow 2004, pp. 50–51
- Bramanti et al. 2016, pp. 1–26
- Wade, Nicholas (31 October 2010). "Europe's Plagues Came From China, Study Finds". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 4 November 2010. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- "Black Death | Causes, Facts, and Consequences". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 9 July 2019. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- Sussman 2011
- ^ Snowden 2019, pp. 49–53.
- ^ Aberth 2010, pp. 9–13.
- ^ Austin Alchon 2003, p. 21.
- ^ Howard, Jenny (6 July 2020). "Plague was one of history's deadliest diseases – then we found a cure". National Geographic.
- ^ "Historical Estimates of World Population". Census.gov. Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 28 April 2019.
- ^ Galens, July; Knight, Judson (2001). "The Late Middle Ages". Middle Ages Reference Library. Gale. 1. Retrieved 15 May 2020.
- ^ a b c d e f g h "Black Death, n.", Oxford English Dictionary Online (3rd ed.), Oxford University Press, 2011, retrieved 11 April 2020
- ^ a b Bennett & Hollister 2006, p. 326.
- ^ John of Fordun's Scotichronicon ("there was a great pestilence and mortality of men") Horrox 1994, p. 84
- ^ Pontoppidan, Erich (1755). The Natural History of Norway: …. London: A. Linde. p. 24. From p. 24: "Norway, indeed, cannot be said to be entirely exempt from pestilential distempers, for the Black-death, known all over Europe by its terrible ravages, from the years 1348 to 50, was felt here as in other parts, and to the great diminution of the number of the inhabitants."
- ^ a b c d d'Irsay, Stephen (1926). "Notes to the Origin of the Expression: ≪ Atra Mors ≫". Isis. 8 (2): 328–32. doi:10.1086/358397. ISSN 0021-1753. JSTOR 223649. S2CID 147317779.
- ^ The German physician Justus Friedrich Karl Hecker (1795–1850) cited the phrase in Icelandic (Svarti Dauði), Danish (den sorte Dod), etc. See: J. F. C. Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert [The Black Death in the Fourteenth Century] (Berlin, (Germany): Friedr. Aug. Herbig, 1832), p. 3. Archived 29 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Homer, Odyssey, XII, 92.
- ^ Seneca, Oedipus, 164–70.
- ^ de Corbeil, Gilles (1907) [1200]. Valentin, Rose (ed.). Egidii Corboliensis Viaticus: De signis et symptomatibus aegritudium. Bibliotheca scriptorum medii aevi Teubneriana (in Latin). Harvard University: In aedibus B.G. Teubneri.
- ^ On page 22 of the manuscript in Gallica Archived 6 October 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Simon mentions the phrase "mors nigra" (Black Death): "Cum rex finisset oracula judiciorum / Mors nigra surrexit, et gentes reddidit illi;" (When the king ended the oracles of judgment / Black Death arose, and the nations surrendered to him;).
- A more legible copy of the poem appears in: Emile Littré (1841) "Opuscule relatif à la peste de 1348, composé par un contemporain" Archived 22 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine (Work concerning the plague of 1348, composed by a contemporary), Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes, 2 (2) : 201–43; see especially p. 228.
- See also: Joseph Patrick Byrne, The Black Death (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2004), p. 1. Archived 26 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Gasquet 1893.
- ^ a b c d e f Christakos et al. 2005, pp. 110–14.
- ^ Gasquet 1908, p. 7.
- ^ Johan Isaksson Pontanus, Rerum Danicarum Historia ... (Amsterdam (Netherlands): Johann Jansson, 1631), p. 476. Archived 4 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Plague Backgrounder". Avma.org. Archived from the original on 16 May 2008. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- ^ Andrades Valtueña et al. 2017.
- ^ Zhang, Sarah, "An Ancient Case of the Plague Could Rewrite History Archived 13 November 2019 at the Wayback Machine", The Atlantic, December 6, 2018
- ^ Rascovan et al. 2018.
- ^ Spyrou et al. 2018.
- ^ a b Green 2014, pp. 31ff.
- ^ "Modern lab reaches across the ages to resolve plague DNA debate". phys.org. 20 May 2013. Archived from the original on 27 July 2019. Retrieved 22 March 2020.
- ^ Maria Cheng (28 January 2014). "Plague DNA found in ancient teeth shows medieval Black Death, 1,500-year pandemic caused by same disease". National Post. Archived from the original on 29 January 2014. Retrieved 22 March 2020.
- ^ Horrox 1994, p. 159.
- ^ a b Kelly 2005.
- ^ al-Asqalani, Ibn Hajar (852/1449). Badhl aI-md'On fi fadi at-ld'an. Cairo. Check date values in:
|date=
(help) - ^ Legan, Joseph A., "The medical response to the Black Death" (2015). Senior Honors Projects, 2010–current. 103. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019/103
- ^ a b Tignor et al. 2014, p. 407.
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The great waves of plague that twice devastated Europe and changed the course of history had their origins in China, a team of medical geneticists reported Sunday, as did a third plague outbreak that struck less harmfully in the 19th century. ... In the issue of Nature Genetics published online Sunday, they conclude that all three of the great waves of plague originated from China, where the root of their tree is situated. ... The likely origin of the plague in China has nothing to do with its people or crowded cities, Dr. Achtman said. The bacterium has no interest in people, whom it slaughters by accident. Its natural hosts are various species of rodent such as marmots and voles, which are found throughout China.
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дальнейшее чтение
- Alfano, Vincenzo, and Manuela Sgobbi. "A fame, peste et bello libera nos Domine: An Analysis of the Black Death in Chioggia in 1630." Journal of Family History (2021): 03631990211000615.
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- Barker, Hannah. "Laying the Corpses to Rest: Grain, Embargoes, and Yersinia pestis in the Black Sea, 1346–48." Speculum 96.1 (2021): 97-126.
- Cantor, Norman F. (2001). In the Wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the World It Made, New York, Free Press.[ISBN missing]
- Cohn, Samuel K. Jr., (2002). The Black Death Transformed: Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Europe, London: Arnold.[ISBN missing]
- Crawford, Dorothy (2018). Deadly Companions: How Microbes Shaped Our History. Oxford University Press.
- Dols, Michael Walters. The black death in the Middle East (Princeton UP, 2019).
- Dols, Michael W. "The comparative communal responses to the Black Death in Muslim and Christian societies." Viator 5 (1974): 269–288.
- Dols, Michael W., and John Norris. "Geographical Origin of the Black Death." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 52.1 (1978): 112+.
- Duncan, Christopher John, and Susan Scott. "What caused the black death?." Postgraduate medical journal 81.955 (2005): 315–320. online
- Green, Monica H. "The Four Black Deaths" American Historical Review (Dec 2020) 125#5 pp 1601–1631. abstract
- McNeill, William H. (1976). Plagues and Peoples. Anchor/Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-11256-7.
- Pamuk, Şevket. "The Black Death and the origins of the ‘Great Divergence’across Europe, 1300–1600." European Review of Economic History 11.3 (2007): 289–317. online
- Scott, S., and Duncan, C. J., (2001). Biology of Plagues: Evidence from Historical Populations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[ISBN missing]
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Внешние ссылки
- Black Death on In Our Time at the BBC
- Black Death at BBC