Расизм в Соединенных Штатах включает негативное отношение и взгляды на расу или этническую принадлежность, которые связаны друг с другом, разделяются различными людьми и группами в Соединенных Штатах и находят отражение в дискриминационных законах, практике и действиях в разное время в истории США (включая насилие) против расовых или этнических групп. На протяжении всей истории Соединенных Штатов , белые американцы , как правило , пользуются легально или социально санкционированные привилегии и права , которые были отказано членами различных этнических групп или меньшинств в разное время. Американцы европейского происхождения , особенно состоятельные белые англосаксонские протестанты, как утверждается, пользовались преимуществами в вопросах образования, иммиграции , права голоса, гражданства, приобретения земли и уголовного судопроизводства.
Расизм против различных этнических групп или меньшинств существует в Соединенных Штатах с колониальной эпохи . Афроамериканцы, в частности, сталкивались с ограничениями своих политических, социальных и экономических свобод на протяжении большей части истории Соединенных Штатов. Коренные американцы пострадали от геноцида , принудительного выселения и массовых убийств , и они продолжают сталкиваться с дискриминацией . ОТСУТСТВИЯ протестантских иммигрантов из Европы, в частности , евреи , ирландцы , поляки и итальянцы , часто подвергаются ксенофобного отторжения и других форм этнической основе дискриминации . Кроме того, латиноамериканцы , ближневосточные американцы и американцы азиатского происхождения вместе с островов Тихого океана , также подверглись дискриминации.
Расизм проявляется в различных формах, в том числе геноцида , рабства , сегрегации , индейских оговорок , Native американских школ - интернатов , иммиграции и натурализации законов и лагеря для интернированных . [a] Формальная расовая дискриминация была в значительной степени запрещена к середине 20 века и со временем стала восприниматься как социально и морально неприемлемая. Расовая политика остается серьезным явлением, а расизм продолжает отражаться в социально-экономическом неравенстве . [1] [b] В последние годы исследования выявили обширные доказательства расовой дискриминации в различных секторах современного американского общества, включая систему уголовного правосудия , бизнес , экономику , жилье , здравоохранение , средства массовой информации и политику . По мнению Организации Объединенных Наций и Сети по правам человека США , « дискриминация в Соединенных Штатах пронизывает все аспекты жизни и распространяется на все цветные сообщества ». [3]
Гражданство и право голоса
Закон Натурализация 1790 установить первые правила единые для предоставления гражданства Соединенных Штатов по натурализации , которое ограничено натурализация в «свободный белый человек [s]», таким образом , исключая из гражданства коренных американцев , обслуги , рабов , свободных негров и позже азиатов . Гражданство и его отсутствие оказали особое влияние на различные юридические и политические права, в первую очередь избирательные права как на федеральном уровне, так и на уровне штата, а также право занимать определенные государственные должности, присяжные заседателей, военную службу и многие другие виды деятельности. , помимо доступа к государственной помощи и услугам. Второй Закон о милиции 1792 года также предусматривал призыв на военную службу каждого «свободного трудоспособного белого гражданина мужского пола». [4] Конституция Теннесси 1834 года включала положение: «свободные белые мужчины этого штата имеют право хранить и носить оружие для своей общей защиты ». [5]
Договор Dancing Rabbit Крика , сделанный под индийским законом удаления 1830 года, позволил этим чоктау индейцам , которые предпочли остаться в штате Миссисипи , чтобы получить признание в качестве граждан США, первой крупной неевропейской этнической группы получает право на получении гражданства США.
Закон Натурализация 1870 г. расширенной натурализации черных лиц, но не в других небелых лиц, но отменило гражданство натурализованных американцев китайского происхождения. [6] Закон полагался на закодированный язык для исключения «иностранцев, не имеющих права на гражданство», что в первую очередь относилось к китайским и японским иммигрантам.
Коренные американцы получали гражданство по частям до принятия Закона о гражданстве индейцев 1924 года , который в одностороннем порядке предоставлял им общий статус гражданства, независимо от того, принадлежат ли они к признанному на федеральном уровне племени или нет, хотя к этой дате две трети коренных американцев имели уже стали гражданами США различными способами. Закон не имел обратной силы, так что гражданство не распространялось на коренных американцев, родившихся до даты вступления в силу Закона 1924 года или за пределами Соединенных Штатов в качестве коренных жителей. Даже коренным американцам, получившим гражданство в соответствии с Законом 1924 года, не было гарантировано право голоса до 1948 года. Согласно обзору Министерства внутренних дел , семь штатов все еще отказывались предоставить индейцам право голоса в 1938 году. Исполнение закона. Государства оправдывали дискриминацию на основании законов и конституций штатов. Тремя основными аргументами в пользу исключения индейцев из голосования были освобождение индейцев от налогов на недвижимость, сохранение племенной принадлежности и представление о том, что индейцы находятся под опекой или живут на землях, контролируемых федеральной опекой. [7] : 121 К 1947 году все штаты с большим индейским населением, кроме Аризоны и Нью-Мексико , расширили право голоса на коренных американцев, которые соответствовали требованиям Закона 1924 года. Наконец, в 1948 году судебное решение вынудило остальные штаты отменить запрет на голосование в Индии. [8]
Дальнейшие изменения расового права на получение гражданства путем натурализации были внесены после 1940 года, когда право на получение гражданства было распространено на «потомков рас, коренных жителей Западного полушария», «филиппинцев или лиц филиппинского происхождения», «китайцев или лиц китайского происхождения», и «лица коренных народов Индии». [9] Закон об иммиграции и гражданстве 1952 года запрещает расовую и гендерную дискриминацию при натурализации. [10]
Однако гражданство не гарантирует каких-либо конкретных прав, таких как право голоса. Например, чернокожие американцы, получившие формальное гражданство США к 1870 году, вскоре были лишены избирательных прав . Например, после 1890 года менее 9000 из 147000 имеющих право голоса афроамериканских избирателей штата Миссисипи были зарегистрированы для голосования, или около 6%. Луизиана выросла со 130 000 зарегистрированных избирателей-афроамериканцев в 1896 году до 1342 в 1904 году (снижение примерно на 99%). [11] Они также подвергались « черным кодам» и подвергались дискриминации в южных штатах по законам Джима Кроу . Усилия по подавлению избирателей по всей стране, хотя в основном и мотивированы политическими соображениями, часто непропорционально сильно сказываются на афроамериканцах и других меньшинствах. В 2016 году каждый 13 афроамериканец избирательного возраста был лишен избирательных прав, что более чем в четыре раза больше, чем у не афроамериканцев. Более 7,4% взрослых афроамериканцев были лишены гражданских прав по сравнению с 1,8% не афроамериканцев. Лишение избирательных прав во Флориде лишает права на жизнь более 10% граждан и более 23% афроамериканцев. [12] (См. Также « Выборы в Северной Дакоте # Требования к голосованию» , где требования к идентификации избирателя, введенные в 2016 году, фактически лишили избирательных прав четверти коренных американских избирателей штата.)
Леланд Т. Сайто, доцент кафедры социологии и американистики и этнической принадлежности Университета Южной Калифорнии , пишет: «Политические права были ограничены расой, классом и полом с момента основания Соединенных Штатов, когда было ограничено право голоса. белым людям собственности. На протяжении всей истории Соединенных Штатов раса использовалась белыми - категория, которая также изменилась со временем - для узаконивания и создания различий и социальной, экономической и политической изоляции ». [13]
негры
Довоенный период
Между 1626 и 1860 годами работорговля в Атлантике привела более 470 000 порабощенных африканцев на территорию нынешних Соединенных Штатов. [14] [15] Белые американцы европейского происхождения, которые участвовали в рабской индустрии, пытались оправдать свою экономическую эксплуатацию черных людей , создав «научную» теорию превосходства белых и неполноценности черных . [16] Одним из таких рабовладельцев был Томас Джефферсон , и это был его призыв к науке определить очевидную «неполноценность» чернокожих, что считается «чрезвычайно важным этапом в эволюции научного расизма». [17] Он пришел к выводу, что чернокожие «уступают белым в одаренности тела и разума». [18]
После того, как ввоз рабов в Соединенные Штаты был запрещен федеральным законом 1808 года, внутренняя работорговля расширилась, чтобы заменить ее. [19] Мэриленд и Вирджиния, например, «экспортируют» своих излишков рабов на Юг. Эти продажи рабов разрушили многие семьи, а историк Ира Берлин писал, что независимо от того, были ли рабы напрямую изгнаны с корней или жили в страхе, что они или их семьи будут невольно перемещены, «массовая депортация травмировала чернокожих». [20]
В течение 1820-х и 1830-х годов Американское общество колонизации основало колонию в Либерии и убедило тысячи свободных чернокожих американцев переехать туда, потому что многие представители белой элиты как на Севере, так и на Юге видели в них проблему, от которой необходимо избавиться.
Во время и сразу после американской гражданской войны , около четырех миллионов порабощены афроамериканцы были установлены бесплатными, основные правовые действия , являющихся президент Линкольн «s Прокламация об освобождении , который вступил в силу с 1 января 1863 года, а Тринадцатая поправка к Конституции Соединенных Штатов , которые , наконец , отменил рабство в декабре 1865 года. [21]
Эпоха реконструкции до Второй мировой войны
После гражданской войны эпоха восстановления характеризовалась федеральным законодательством, направленным на защиту прав ранее порабощенных людей, включая Закон о гражданских правах 1866 года и Закон о гражданских правах 1875 года . Поправка Четырнадцатой предоставлена полное гражданство афроамериканцев и пятнадцатая поправка гарантировала права голоса афро-американских мужчинам.
Несмотря на это, сторонники превосходства белой расы пришли к власти во всех южных штатах, запугав чернокожих избирателей с помощью террористических групп, таких как Ку-клукс-клан , « Красные рубашки» и Белая лига . « Черные коды » и законы Джима Кроу лишили афроамериканцев избирательных прав и других гражданских свобод путем введения системной и дискриминационной политики неравной расовой сегрегации . [23] Раздельные помещения простирались от школ только для белых до кладбищ только для белых. [24] Законы, запрещающие смешанные браки, запрещают брак и даже секс между белыми и небелыми. [25]
В новом веке в Соединенных Штатах усилился институциональный расизм и правовая дискриминация в отношении граждан африканского происхождения. На протяжении всего периода после Гражданской войны расовое расслоение осуществлялось неформально и системно, чтобы укрепить существовавший ранее социальный порядок. Хотя их голос был гарантирован 15-й поправкой, избирательные налоги , повсеместные террористические акты, такие как линчевания (часто совершаемые группами ненависти, такими как Ку-клукс-клан ), и дискриминационные законы, такие как дедушкины оговорки, лишали чернокожих американцев избирательных прав в большинстве южных штатов. В ответ на расизм де-юре возникли протестные и лоббистские группы, в первую очередь NAACP (Национальная ассоциация по улучшению положения цветных людей) в 1909 году [26].
Эту эпоху иногда называют надиром американских межрасовых отношений, потому что расизм, сегрегация , расовая дискриминация и проявления белого превосходства - все это усилилось. То же самое произошло с насилием против чернокожих, включая расовые беспорядки, такие как бунт в Атланте в 1906 году, резня в Элейн в 1919 году и расовый бунт в Талсе в 1921 году. Французская газета охарактеризовала бунт в Атланте как «расовую резню негров» Le Petit Journal . [27] Charleston News and Courier написала в ответ на беспорядки в Атланте: «Разделение рас - единственное радикальное решение проблемы негров в этой стране. В этом нет ничего нового. жилище рас. Негров привезли сюда по принуждению; их нужно убедить покинуть отсюда ». [28]
Кроме того, расизм, который рассматривался как проблема, которая в первую очередь существовала в южных штатах , ворвался в сознание нации после Великой миграции , переселения миллионов афроамериканцев из их корней в сельских южных штатах в промышленные центры Север и Запад между 1910 и 1970 годами.
В течение этого периода расовая напряженность резко возросла, особенно в Чикаго, а линчевания - повешение под предводительством толпы, как правило, на расовой почве - резко участились в 1920-х годах. Городские беспорядки - белые нападали на черных - стали проблемой как для севера, так и для запада. [29] Многие белые защищали свое пространство с помощью насилия, запугивания или правовой тактики по отношению к афроамериканцам, в то время как многие другие белые мигрировали в более однородные в расовом отношении пригородные или пригородные районы, процесс, известный как бегство белых . [30] расово ограничительные жилищные пакты были исключены невыполнимым под Четырнадцатая поправка в 1948 году знаковой в Верховный суд случае Шелли против Kraemer . [31]
Избранный в 1912 году президент Вудро Вильсон санкционировал практику расовой сегрегации во всей бюрократии федерального правительства. [32] Во время Первой мировой войны чернокожие, служившие в вооруженных силах США, служили в отдельных частях . Черные солдаты часто были плохо обучены и плохо экипированы, их часто отправляли на передовую и заставляли выполнять задания-самоубийцы . Во время Второй мировой войны американские вооруженные силы все еще были сильно разделены . Кроме того, ни один афроамериканец не был награжден Почетной медалью во время войны, а иногда темнокожим солдатам, передвигавшимся в поездах, приходилось уступать свои места нацистским военнопленным. [33]
Вторая мировая война Движению за гражданские права
Законы Джима Кроу были государственные и местные законы , которые были приняты в Южной и пограничных штатах США и насильственными между 1876 г. и 1965 г. Они уполномочили « Раздельные , но равные » статус для негров. На самом деле это приводило к обращению и приспособлениям, которые почти всегда были хуже тех, которые предоставлялись белым. Наиболее важные законы требовали, чтобы в государственных школах, общественных местах и общественном транспорте, таком как поезда и автобусы, были отдельные помещения для белых и черных. Поддерживаемая государством сегрегация школ была признана неконституционной Верховным судом Соединенных Штатов в 1954 году в деле Браун против Совета по образованию . Одним из первых федеральных судебных дел, оспаривающих сегрегацию в школах, было дело Мендес против Вестминстера в 1946 году.
К 1950-м годам движение за гражданские права набирало обороты. Членство в NAACP увеличилось в штатах США. Известные акты насилия против чернокожих, вызвавшие возмущение общественности, включали линчевание 14-летнего Эммета Тилля в 1955 году и убийство в 1963 году активиста за гражданские права и члена NAACP Медгара Эверса членом организации Совет белых граждан . В обоих случаях преступники смогли избежать осуждения с помощью присяжных, состоящих исключительно из белых . В 1963 году во время взрыва баптистской церкви на 16-й улице члены Ку-клукс-клансмена убили четырех чернокожих девочек в возрасте от 11 до 14 лет [34] [35].
В ответ на усиление дискриминации и насилия начали происходить ненасильственные акции протеста. В Гринсборо сидячие забастовки , начиная с февраля 1960 года, способствовали формированию Студенческого координационного комитета ненасильственных . После многих сидячих забастовок и других ненасильственных протестов, включая марши и бойкоты, люди начали соглашаться на десегрегацию. [36]
Марш на Вашингтон 28 августа 1963 года с примерно 250.000 черных и белых участников, на котором Мартин Лютер Кинг произнес свою историческую « У меня есть мечта » речь, помогли облегчить прохождение Закона о гражданских правах 1964 и Закон об избирательных правах 1965 года . В деле Ловинг против Вирджинии (1967 г.) Верховный суд объявил законы, запрещающие смешанные браки, неконституционными. [37]
Сегрегация продолжалась даже после отмены законов Джима Кроу. Данные о ценах на жилье и отношении к интеграции позволяют предположить, что в середине 20 века сегрегация была результатом коллективных действий, предпринятых белыми для исключения чернокожих из своих районов. [38] Сегрегация также приняла форму красной черты , практики отказа или увеличения стоимости услуг, таких как банковское дело, страхование, доступ к рабочим местам, [39] доступ к здравоохранению [40] или даже супермаркеты [41], чтобы жители определенных, часто определяемых по расовому признаку, [42] районов. Хотя в США неформальная дискриминация и сегрегация существовали всегда, «красная линия» началась с принятия Национального закона о жилищном строительстве 1934 года , которым было учреждено Федеральное жилищное управление (FHA). Практика велась первым путем прохождения закона Fair Housing 1968 (который предотвращает красной черты , когда критерии красной черты основаны на признаках расы, религии, пола, семейного положения, инвалидности или этнического происхождения), а затем через Закон Сообщества реинвестировании от 1977 г., согласно которому банки должны применять одни и те же критерии кредитования во всех общинах. [43] Хотя добавление красных черт является незаконным, некоторые утверждают, что они продолжают существовать в других формах.
Вплоть до 1940-х годов весь потенциал дохода от того, что называлось «негритянским рынком», в основном игнорировался производителями, принадлежащими белым, в США, где реклама была ориентирована на белых. [44] Чернокожим, включая олимпийского чемпиона Джесси Оуэнса , [45] [46] также было отказано в коммерческих сделках. Знаменитые чернокожие, такие как Оуэнс и Хэтти МакДэниэл, подвергались унизительному обращению даже на мероприятиях, посвященных их достижениям. [47] [48]
Поскольку движение за гражданские права и отмена законов Джима Кроу в 1950-х и 1960-х годах усилили существующую расовую напряженность на большей части юга США, была принята избирательная стратегия Республиканской партии - южная стратегия - с целью увеличения политической поддержки среди белых избирателей в Юг, апеллируя к расизму против афроамериканцев. [49] [50] Республиканские политики, такие как кандидат в президенты Ричард Никсон и сенатор Барри Голдуотер, разработали стратегии, которые успешно способствовали политической перестройке многих белых консервативных избирателей на Юге, которые традиционно поддерживали Демократическую партию, а не Республиканскую партию. [51]
1970-е по 2000-е годы
Хотя в последующие десятилетия были достигнуты значительные успехи за счет развития среднего класса и занятости в государственном секторе, бедность среди чернокожих и отсутствие образования продолжались в контексте деиндустриализации. [52] [53]
С 1981 по 1997 год Министерство сельского хозяйства Соединенных Штатов дискриминировало десятки тысяч чернокожих американских фермеров, отказывая в ссудах, которые предоставлялись белым фермерам при аналогичных обстоятельствах. Дискриминация стала предметом иска Пигфорд против Гликмана, поданного членами Национальной ассоциации чернокожих фермеров , в результате которого было заключено два мировых соглашения на сумму 1,06 миллиарда долларов в 1999 году и 1,25 миллиарда долларов в 2009 году [54].
Многие авторы, ученые и историки утверждали, что война с наркотиками была мотивирована расовыми и политическими мотивами. Продолжая политику «жесткой борьбы с преступностью» и риторику Ричарда Никсона , президент Рональд Рейган в октябре 1982 года объявил о войне своей администрации с наркотиками . Поскольку в середине 1980-х годов по стране распространилась эпидемия крэка , Конгресс примет Закон о борьбе со злоупотреблением наркотиками. 1986 . Согласно этим руководящим принципам приговора, пять граммов крэк-кокаина , часто продаваемые афроамериканцами и афроамериканцам, подлежат обязательному пятилетнему тюремному заключению. Однако для порошкового кокаина, который часто продается белыми американцами и для белых американцев, для одного и того же приговора потребуется в сто раз больше, или 500 граммов, что заставляет многих критиковать закон как дискриминационный. Несоответствие приговоров 100: 1 было сокращено до 18: 1 в 2010 году Законом о справедливых приговорах . [55]
В 1980-х и 90-х годах произошел ряд беспорядков, связанных с давней расовой напряженностью между полицией и общинами меньшинств. Халил Джебран Мухаммад , директор находящегося в Гарлеме Шомбургского центра исследований черной культуры , выявил более 100 случаев массового расового насилия в Соединенных Штатах с 1935 года и отметил, что почти каждый случай был спровоцирован полицейскими инцидентами. [56]
Насилие против чернокожих церквей продолжается - 145 пожаров было подожжено в церквях на юге в 1990-х [57], а в 2015 году в исторической церкви Матери Эмануэль произошла массовая стрельба в Чарльстоне, Южная Каролина . [58]
2008 по настоящее время
Некоторые американцы рассматривали президентские выборы Барака Обамы , первого темнокожего президента страны, как знак того, что нация вступила в новую пострасовую эру . [59] [60] Избрание президента Дональда Трампа в 2016 году, который был главным сторонником расистского движения зародышей и за плечами которого были высказывания и действия, которые широко рассматривались как расистские или расовые обвинения , было рассмотрено некоторыми комментаторами. как расистская реакция на избрание Барака Обамы. [61] В середине 2010-х годов в американском обществе возродился высокий уровень расизма и дискриминации. Одним из новых явлений стал рост движения «альтернативных правых» : белой националистической коалиции, которая добивается изгнания сексуальных и расовых меньшинств из Соединенных Штатов. [62] С середины 2010-х годов Министерство внутренней безопасности и Федеральное бюро расследований определили насилие, направленное на превосходство белой расы, как главную угрозу внутреннего терроризма в Соединенных Штатах . [63] [64]
Социолог Расс Лонг заявил в 2013 году, что сейчас существует более тонкий расизм, который связывает определенную расу с определенной характеристикой. [65] В исследовании 1993 года, проведенном Кацем и Брэйли, было показано, что «черные и белые придерживаются различных стереотипов по отношению друг к другу, часто отрицательных». [66] Исследование Каца и Брэйли также показало, что афроамериканцы и белые рассматривают черты, с которыми они идентифицируют друг друга, как угрожающие, межрасовое общение между ними, вероятно, будет «нерешительным, сдержанным и скрывающим». [66]
Движение Black Lives Matter началось в 2013 году после оправдания белого человека, убившего афроамериканского подростка Трейвона Мартина .
В августе 2017 года Комитет ООН по ликвидации всех форм расовой дискриминации издал редкое предупреждение в США и ее руководство «однозначно и безоговорочно» осудить расистские высказывания и преступность, следующее насилием в Шарлотсвилле во время митинга , организованного белыми националистами , белыми расистами , Клановцы , неонацисты и различные правые ополчения в августе. [67] [68]
25 мая 2020 года Джордж Флойд , 46-летний темнокожий мужчина, был убит белым офицером полиции Миннеаполиса , который приложил колено к шее Флойда в течение 9 минут 29 секунд . [69] [70] [c] Смерть Флойда вызвала волну протестов в Соединенных Штатах и во всем мире.
Коренные американцы
Коренные американцы жили на североамериканском континенте не менее 10 000 лет, и миллионы коренных американцев жили на территории сегодняшних Соединенных Штатов в то время, когда европейские поселенцы впервые прибыли на них. [76] В колониальные и независимые периоды европейские поселенцы вели долгую серию конфликтов, часто с целью получения ресурсов коренных американцев. В результате войн , насильственного перемещения (например, « След слез» ) и заключения договоров земля была захвачена. Потеря земли часто приводила к тяжелым испытаниям для коренных американцев. В начале 18 века англичане поработили около 800 чокто. [77]
После создания Соединенных Штатов идея удаления индейцев стала набирать обороты. Однако некоторые коренные американцы предпочли или им разрешили остаться и избежали выселения, после чего подверглись официальному расизму. Чокто в Миссисипи описали свое положение в 1849 году: «наши жилища сносили и сжигали, наши заборы разрушали, скот загоняли на поля, и нас самих бичевали, сковали, сковали и не оскорбляли иным образом, пока некоторые наших лучших людей умерли ". [78] Джозеф Б. Кобб, который перебрался в Миссисипи из Джорджии, описал чокто, как «не обладающих ни благородством, ни добродетелью», и в некотором отношении он нашел чернокожих, особенно коренных африканцев, более интересными и достойными восхищения, красные человек лучше во всех отношениях. Чокто и чикасо, племена, которые он знал лучше всего, были ниже презрения, то есть даже хуже, чем черные рабы. [79]
В 1800-х годах такие идеологии, как « Манифест судьбы» , придерживавшиеся мнения о том, что Соединенным Штатам суждено расширяться от побережья до побережья на североамериканском континенте, подпитывали нападения США и жестокое обращение с коренными американцами. В годы, предшествовавшие принятию Закона 1830 года о переселении индейцев, между поселенцами и коренными американцами происходило множество вооруженных конфликтов. [80] Оправдание завоевания и подчинения коренных народов происходило из стереотипного представления о том, что коренные американцы были «безжалостными индейскими дикарями» (как это описано в Декларации независимости Соединенных Штатов ). [81] Сэм Вулфсон в The Guardian пишет: «Отрывок из декларации часто цитируется как инкапсуляция бесчеловечного отношения к коренным американцам, на котором были основаны США». [82] Саймон Мойа-Смит, редактор по культуре Indian Country Today , заявляет: «Любой праздник, который бы относился к моему народу в такой отвратительной, расистской манере, определенно не заслуживает празднования. [Четвертое июля] - это день, когда мы празднуем нашу жизнь. устойчивость, наша культура, наши языки, наши дети и мы скорбим о миллионах - буквально миллионах - коренных жителей, погибших в результате американского империализма ». [83]
В книге Мартина Лютера Кинга-младшего « Почему мы не можем ждать» он написал: «Наша нация родилась в результате геноцида, когда она приняла доктрину, согласно которой первоначальный американец, индеец, был низшей расой». [84] В 1861 году жители Манкато, штат Миннесота , сформировали рыцарей леса с целью «уничтожить всех индейцев из Миннесоты». Возмутительная попытка произошла во время золотой лихорадки в Калифорнии , в первые два года которой погибли тысячи коренных американцев. При мексиканском правлении в Калифорнии индейцы подверглись де-факто порабощению в рамках системы пеонации со стороны белой элиты. В то время как в 1850 году Калифорния официально вошла в Союз как свободный штат , в отношении проблемы рабства практика индийского подневольного рабства не была запрещена Законодательным собранием Калифорнии до 1863 года. [85] Депортация навахо в 1864 году США. Правление произошло, когда 8000 навахо были насильно переселены в лагерь для интернированных в Боске-Редондо [86], где под вооруженной охраной более 3500 мужчин, женщин и детей навахо и мескалеро-апачей умерли от голода и болезней. [86]
Индейские народы на равнинах на западе продолжали вооруженные конфликты с США на протяжении всего XIX века, в ходе того, что обычно называли индейскими войнами . [88] Известные конфликты в этот период включают Dakota войну , Великий Сиу войну , Snake войну и Колорадо войну . В годы, предшествовавшие резне в Вундед-Ни, правительство США продолжало захватывать земли Лакота . Призрачный танец ритуал в резервации Северной Лакоты в Вундед, Южная Дакота , привел к попытке армии США , чтобы покорить Лакоту. Танец был частью религии, основанной Вовокой, которая рассказывала о возвращении Мессии, чтобы облегчить страдания коренных американцев, и обещала, что, если они будут жить праведной жизнью и правильно исполнить Призрачный танец, европейские американские захватчики исчезнут, зубры вернется, и живые и мертвые воссоединятся в Эдемском мире. [89] 29 декабря 1890 г. в Вундед-Ни началась стрельба, и солдаты США убили до 300 индейцев, в основном стариков, женщин и детей. [90]
В период, предшествовавший резне на Раненом Колене 1890 года, автор Л. Франк Баум написал две передовые статьи о коренных американцах. Через пять дней после убийства святого человека из племени лакота сиу , Сидящего Быка , Баум писал: «Гордый дух первоначальных владельцев этих обширных прерий, унаследованный веками жестоких и кровопролитных войн за их владение, последним задержался в лоне Сидящего Быка. . С его падением благородство Краснокожих угасает, и то, что осталось немногим, - это стая скулящих ублюдков, облизывающих их руку, поражающую их. Белые, по закону завоевания, по справедливости цивилизации, являются хозяевами Американский континент и лучшая безопасность приграничных поселений будут обеспечены путем полного уничтожения немногих оставшихся индейцев. Почему не уничтожить? Их слава исчезла, их дух сломлен, их мужество исчезло; лучше им умереть, чем жить в жалких негодяях что они есть ". [91] После резни 29 декабря 1890 года, Баум писал: « Пионер прежде заявлял, что наша единственная безопасность зависит от полного истребления [sic] индейцев. нашей цивилизации, последовать за ней еще одним заблуждением и стереть этих необузданных и неукротимых существ с лица земли. В этом заключается безопасность наших поселенцев и солдат, находящихся под некомпетентным командованием. В противном случае мы можем ожидать, что будущие годы будут такими же полон проблем с краснокожими, как это было в прошлом ". [91] [92]
Маргинализация резервирования
После того, как их территории были включены в состав Соединенных Штатов, выжившим коренным американцам было отказано в равенстве перед законом, и их часто рассматривали как опеку государства. [93]
Многие коренные американцы были переселены в резервации, составляющие 4% территории США. В ряде случаев были нарушены договоры, подписанные с коренными американцами. Десятки тысяч американских индейцев и коренных жителей Аляски были вынуждены посещать систему школ-интернатов, которая стремилась перевоспитать их в американских ценностях, культуре и экономике белых поселенцев. [94] [95]
Дальнейшее лишение собственности различного рода продолжается и в настоящее время, хотя нынешнее лишение собственности, особенно в отношении земли, редко попадает в заголовки крупных новостей в стране (например, недавние финансовые проблемы ленапе и последующий захват земли штатом Нью-Джерси ). а иногда даже не попадают в заголовки газет в тех местах, где они происходят. Посредством уступок в таких отраслях, как нефтяная, горнодобывающая и лесная, а также путем раздела земель, начиная с Закона о земельных участках , эти уступки вызвали проблемы согласия, использования низких ставок роялти, экологической несправедливости и грубого нецелевого использования средств, находящихся в доверительном управлении, что привело к убыток 10–40 миллиардов долларов. [96]
В Worldwatch Institute отмечает , что 317 оговорки находятся под угрозой экологической опасности, в то время как Западная Shoshone земля была подвергнута более 1000 ядерных взрывов. [97] Однако последнее известное испытание ядерного взрыва в США произошло в сентябре 1992 года. [98]
Культурный геноцид
Другой важный пример расизма - целевое обучение коренных американцев в школах-интернатах для американских индейцев , учебная программа которых была разработана с целью совершения культурного геноцида против коренных народов. [100] [101] В этих школах коренным детям запрещалось участвовать в традициях любой из их культур, в том числе говорить на своем родном языке. Вместо этого от них требовалось постоянно говорить по-английски и изучать географию, естественные науки и историю (среди других дисциплин) так, как белые американцы считали нужным. [100] [101] Это означало изучение версии истории, которая поддерживала превосходство белых и законное «наследование» земель Соединенных Штатов, в то время как коренные жители были вынуждены ассимилироваться с белой культурой, но никогда по-настоящему их не рассматривали. равно. [100]
Актуальные вопросы
Хотя формальное равенство официально признано, американские индейцы , коренные жители Аляски , коренные гавайцы и жители островов Тихого океана остаются среди наиболее экономически неблагополучных групп в стране, и, согласно национальным исследованиям психического здоровья, американские индейцы как группа, как правило, страдают от высокого уровня риска. алкоголизма, депрессии и суицида. [102]
Американцы азиатского происхождения
Американцы азиатского происхождения , в том числе выходцы из Восточной Азии , Южной Азии и Юго-Восточной Азии , испытали расизм с тех пор, как в Америку прибыли первые крупные группы китайских иммигрантов. Закон о натурализации 1790 года лишил азиатов права на получение гражданства. [103] Иммигранты в первом поколении, дети иммигрантов и азиаты, усыновленные неазиатскими семьями, по-прежнему подвергаются дискриминации. [104]
Во время промышленной революции в Соединенных Штатах нехватка рабочей силы была превалирующей в горнодобывающей и железнодорожной отраслях. Рабочие китайских иммигрантов часто использовались для заполнения этого пробела, особенно при строительстве Первой трансконтинентальной железной дороги , что привело к крупномасштабной китайской иммиграции. [104] Эти китайские иммигранты рассматривались как берущие на работу белых за более низкую оплату, и фраза « Желтая опасность» , предсказывающая гибель западной цивилизации в результате прихода китайских иммигрантов, стала популярной. [105]
19 век
В 1871 году в Лос-Анджелесе, штат Калифорния, было совершено одно из крупнейших линчеваний в истории Америки против китайских иммигрантов . Это впоследствии стало известно как китайская резня 1871 года . Конституция штата Калифорния 1879 года запрещала прием на работу китайцев властями штата и местными органами власти, а также предприятиями, зарегистрированными в Калифорнии. Кроме того, конституция 1879 года делегировала власть местным органам власти в Калифорнии, чтобы позволить им удалять китайцев за пределы своих общин. [106] [107] Федеральный закон об исключении китайцев 1882 года запретил иммиграцию китайских рабочих на десять лет. Закон Гири 1892 продлен Закон об исключении китайцев, требуя от всех китайских граждан , чтобы нести их вид на жительство в любое время или риска либо депортации или год тяжелого труда, и было поддержано 1893 Верховный суд дела Fong Yue Ting против. США . Произошло несколько нападений мафии на китайцев, в том числе резня в Рок-Спрингс в 1885 году в Вайоминге, в результате которой были убиты по меньшей мере 28 китайских шахтеров и 15 других китайских шахтеров были ранены, а также массовое убийство в каньоне Ад в 1887 году в Орегоне, в котором погибли 34 китайских шахтера. убит. [108] В 1888 году Закон Скотта не позволил 20 000–30 000 китайцев, живущих за границей, вернуться в Соединенные Штаты и позже был поддержан в деле 1889 года Верховным судом Чае Чан Пинг против Соединенных Штатов .
Также были приняты местные дискриминационные законы, ограничивающие возможности китайского бизнеса и трудоустройства; например, в деле Верховного суда 1886 года по делу Йик Ву против Хопкинса постановление города Сан-Франциско, требующее разрешений на пользование прачечными (которые в основном принадлежали китайцам), было отменено, поскольку было очевидно, что закон был направлен исключительно против американцев китайского происхождения. Когда закон вступил в силу, город выдал разрешения практически всем лицам, не являющимся гражданами Китая, и выдал только одно разрешение из двухсот заявлений от китайских владельцев прачечных. Когда китайские прачечные продолжали работать, город пытался оштрафовать владельцев. В 1913 году в Калифорнии, где проживает множество китайских иммигрантов, был принят Закон об иностранной земле , который значительно ограничил владение землей азиатскими иммигрантами, и расширил его в 1920 году, в конечном итоге запретив практически все владение землей азиатам. [109]
Японские иммигранты, на которых не повлиял Закон об исключении китайцев, начали массово въезжать в Соединенные Штаты в 1907 году, заполняя рабочие места, которые когда-то были заняты китайскими рабочими. Этот приток также привел к дискриминации, и президент Теодор Рузвельт ограничил японскую иммиграцию. Указ 589 Теодора Рузвельта специально запрещал японским и корейским рабочим, у которых были действующие паспорта, выезжать в Мексику, Канаду или Гавайи, въезд в континентальные Соединенные Штаты. Позже японская иммиграция была закрыта, когда Япония заключила Джентльменское соглашение 1907 года о прекращении выдачи паспортов японским рабочим, намеревающимся переехать в США [110]
Иммиграция людей из всех азиатских стран была запрещена широким Законом об иммиграции 1917 года , также известным как Закон о запретной зоне в Азии , который также запрещал гомосексуалистам , людям с ограниченными интеллектуальными возможностями и людям с анархистским мировоззрением. [107]
Вторая мировая война и послевоенное
Во время Второй мировой войны , то Республика Китай был союзником Соединенных Штатов, и федеральное правительство хвалили сопротивление китайцев против Японии в Второй китайско-японской войны , в попытке уменьшить антикитайские настроения . В 1943 году Конгресс принял Закон Магнусона , отменивший Закон об исключении китайцев и вновь открывший иммиграцию из Китая. Однако в то время Соединенные Штаты активно боролись против Японской империи , которая была членом держав Оси . Антияпонский расизм , который резко усилился после нападения на Перл-Харбор , негласно поощрялся правительством, которое использовало оскорбления, такие как « японец », в пропагандистских плакатах . 19 февраля 1942 года президент Франклин Д. Рузвельт подписал Указ № 9066, который разрешил интернирование 120 000 американцев японского происхождения , сославшись на возможные угрозы безопасности. Американские солдаты, сражавшиеся на Тихоокеанском театре военных действий, часто дегуманизировали своих врагов, заставляя их калечить погибших на войне японцев . [111] Расистский характер этой дегуманизации проявляется в различном обращении с трупами на Тихоокеанском и Европейском театрах . Очевидно, некоторые солдаты отправили домой японские черепа в качестве сувениров, но никто из них не отправил домой немецкие или итальянские черепа. [112] Это предубеждение продолжало существовать в течение некоторого времени после окончания войны, и антиазиатский расизм также повлиял на политику США во время Корейской и Вьетнамской войн , хотя азиаты сражались с обеих сторон во время обеих войн, а также во время войны. Вторая Мировая Война. Некоторые историки утверждали, что атмосфера расизма с неофициальными правилами, такими как «правило простого гука» [113] [114], позволила существовать модели, в которой с гражданскими лицами Южного Вьетнама обращались, как если бы они были менее человечными, а военные преступления были тоже обычное дело. [115] Несмотря на плохое обращение со стороны Соединенных Штатов, тысячи американцев японского происхождения присоединились к вооруженным силам США во время Второй мировой войны в составе 442-го пехотного полка и 100-го пехотного батальона . 442-й дивизион понес тяжелые потери во время борьбы с нацистской Германией, спасая потерянный батальон , и в знак признания этих боевых потерь его прозвали « Батальоном Пурпурного сердца ».
On October 18, 1948, President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Order 10009 to revoke in part Executive Orders 589 from March 14, 1907, and Executive Order 1712 from February 24, 1913.[116]
Prior to 1965, Indian immigration to the U.S. was small and isolated, with fewer than 50,000 Indian immigrants in the country. The Bellingham riots in Bellingham, Washington, on September 5, 1907, epitomized the low tolerance in the U.S. for Indians and Hindus. While anti-Asian racism was embedded in U.S. politics and culture in the early 20th century, Indians were also racialized, with U.S. officials casting them as "Hindu menaces" and pushing for Western imperial expansion abroad.[117] In the 1923 case, United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, the Supreme Court ruled that high caste Hindus were not "white persons" and were therefore racially ineligible for naturalized citizenship.[118] The Court argued that the racial difference between Indians and whites was so great that the "great body of our people" would reject assimilation with Indians.[118] It was after the Luce–Celler Act of 1946 that a quota of 100 Indians per year could immigrate to the U.S. and become citizens.[119]
The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 dramatically opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and as a result, it would significantly, and unintentionally, alter the demographic mix in the U.S.[120] On the U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965, sociologist Stephen Klineberg stated the law "declared that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race."[120] In 1990, Asian immigration was encouraged when nonimmigrant temporary working visas were given to help with the shortage of skilled labor within the United States.[104]
21st Century
Since the 20th century, Asians, particularly East Asians, have been cast as a "model minority". They are categorized as being more educated and successful, and they are also stereotyped as being intelligent and hard-working, but they are also stereotyped as being socially inept.[121] Asians may experience expectations of natural intelligence and excellence from whites as well as from members of other minority groups.[109][122] This has led to discrimination in the workplace, as Asian Americans may face unreasonable expectations because of this stereotype. According to the Journal of Organizational Behavior, in 2000, out of 1,218 adult Asian Americans, 92 percent of those who experienced personal discrimination believed that the unfair treatment was due to their ethnicity.[121] These stereotypes can also render invisible the experience of the large number of Asians experiencing poverty in the United States.
These stereotypes can also obstruct career paths; because Asians are seen as better skilled in engineering, computing, and mathematics, they are often encouraged to pursue technical careers. They are also discouraged from pursuing non-technical occupations or executive occupations which require more social interaction, since Asians are perceived as having poor social skills. In the 2000 study, forty percent of those surveyed who experienced discrimination believed that they had lost hiring or promotion opportunities. In 2007, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission reported that Asians make up 10 percent of professional jobs, while 3.7 percent of them held executive, senior level, or manager positions.[121]
Other forms of discrimination against Asian Americans include racial profiling and hate crimes. The FBI noted that in 2015, 3.2 percent of all hate crimes involved anti-Asian bias.[123] In 2016, the Seattle Police Department reported that there was a 40 percent increase in race-based crimes against Asian-Americans, both criminal and non-criminal.[124]
Research shows that discrimination has led to more use of informal mental health services by Asian Americans. Asian Americans who feel discriminated against also tend to smoke more.[125]
There have been widespread incidents of xenophobia and racist violence against Chinese Americans and other Asian Americans in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.[126][127]
Anti-Japanese sentiment and legislation
Anti-Filipino sentiment and legislation
In 1927, the four-day Yakima Valley riots in Washington state resulted in hundreds of Filipinos being forced to leave the valley under threat of death. In 1930, the Watsonville riots in California involved a mob of 500 white men and youths causing five days of violent attacks on Filipino farm workers, and the death of one worker who was shot through the heart. In 1934, the Tydings–McDuffie Act allowed the Philippines, then an American colony, to become an independent country after ten years. The act established a quota of 50 Filipino immigrants to the United States per year. The Filipino Repatriation Act of 1935 provided voluntary one-way passage for Filipinos in the United States to return to the Philippines. However, if they wanted to return to the United States, they would then be subject to the quota of 50 Filipino immigrants per year.
Европейские американцы
Various European American immigrant groups have been subjected to discrimination on the basis of their religion (see Religious discrimination in the United States and Anti-Catholicism in the United States), immigrant status (which is known as "Nativism") or ethnicity (country of origin).
In the 19th century, this was particularly true because of anti-Irish prejudice, which was based on anti-Catholic sentiment, and prejudice against the Irish as an ethnicity. This was especially true for Irish Catholics who immigrated to the U.S. in the mid-19th century; the large number of Irish (both Catholics and Protestants) who settled in America in the 18th century had largely (but not entirely) escaped such discrimination and eventually blended into the white American population. During the 1830s in the U.S., riots over control of job sites broke out in rural areas among rival labor teams whose members were from different parts of Ireland, and riots also broke out between Irish and local American work teams which were competing for construction jobs.[128]
The Native American Party, commonly called the Know Nothing movement was a political party, whose membership was limited to Protestant men, that operated on a national basis during the mid-1850s and sought to limit the influence of Irish Catholics and other immigrants, thus reflecting nativism and anti-Catholic sentiment. There was widespread anti-Irish job discrimination in the United States and "No Irish need apply" signs were common.[129][130][131]
The second era Ku Klux Klan was a very large nationwide organization in the 1920s, consisting of between four to six million members (15% of the nation's eligible population) that especially opposed Catholics.[132] The revival of the Klan was spurred by the release of the 1915 film The Birth of a Nation.[133] The second and third incarnations of the Ku Klux Klan made frequent references to America's "Anglo-Saxon" blood.[134] Anti-Catholic sentiment, which appeared in North America with the first Pilgrim and Puritan settlers in New England in the early 17th century, remained evident in the United States up to the presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy, who went on to become the first Catholic U.S. president in 1961.[135]
The 20th century saw discrimination against immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe (notably Italian Americans and Polish Americans), partially as a result of anti-Catholic sentiment (as well as discrimination against Irish Americans), partially as a result of Nordicism. The primary spokesman for Nordicism was the eugenicist Madison Grant. His 1916 book, The Passing of the Great Race, or the Racial Basis of European History about Nordicism was highly influential among racial thinkers and government policy makers in the U.S.[136]
Biological laws tell us that certain divergent people will not mix or blend. The Nordics propagate themselves successfully. With other races, the outcome shows deterioration on both sides.
— Future U.S. president Calvin Coolidge, 1921.[137]
An advocate of the U.S. immigration laws that favored Northern Europeans, the Klansman Lothrop Stoddard primarily wrote about the alleged dangers which "colored" peoples posed to white civilization, with his most famous book The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy in 1920. Nordicism led to the reduction in Southern European, along with Slavic Eastern European and Russian immigrants in the National Origins Formula of the Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and the Immigration Act of 1924, whose goal was to maintain the status quo distribution of ethnicity by limiting immigration of non-Northern Europeans. According to the U.S. Department of State the purpose of the act was "to preserve the ideal of American homogeneity".[138] The racial term Untermensch originates from the title of Stoddard's 1922 book The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under-man.[139] It was later adopted by the Nazis (and its chief racial theorist Alfred Rosenberg) from that book's German version Der Kulturumsturz: Die Drohung des Untermenschen (1925).[140]
Specific racism against other European-American ethnicities significantly diminished as a political issue in the 1930s, being replaced by a bi-racialism of black/white, as described and predicted by Lothrop Stoddard, due to numerous causes. The National Origins Formula significantly reduced inflows of non-Nordic ethnicities; the Great Migration (of African-Americans out of the South) displaced anti-white immigrant racism with anti-black racism.[30]
Латиноамериканцы
Americans of Latin American ancestry (often categorized as "Hispanic" or Hispanic and Latino Americans) come from a wide variety of racial and ethnic backgrounds. As a result, not all Latinos are distinguishable as members of a single racial minority.
After the Mexican–American War (1846–1848), the United States annexed much of the current Southwestern region from Mexico. Mexicans who resided in that territory were subjected to discrimination. According to conservative estimates, 597 Mexicans were lynched between 1848 and 1928, corresponding to a per capita lynching rate second only to that suffered by the African American community.[141][142]
Many public institutions, businesses, and homeowners associations officially excluded Mexican Americans as a matter of policy. School children of Mexican American descent were subjected to racial segregation in the public school system. In many counties, Mexican Americans were excluded from serving as jurors in court cases, especially in those that involved Mexican American defendants. In many areas across the Southwest, they lived in separate residential areas, due to laws and real estate company policies.[143][144][145][146]
During the Great Depression, the U.S. government sponsored a Mexican Repatriation program which was intended to encourage Mexican immigrants to voluntarily return to Mexico, however, many were forcibly removed against their will. In total, up to one million persons of Mexican ancestry were deported, approximately 60 percent of those individuals were actually U.S. citizens.
The Zoot Suit riots were incidents of racial violence against Latinos in Los Angeles in 1943 which lasted several days.[147][148]
During the 1960s, young Mexican Americans formed the Chicano Civil Rights Movement.
Американцы Ближнего Востока и Южной Азии
People of Middle Eastern and South Asian descent historically occupied an ambiguous racial status in the United States. Middle Eastern and South Asian immigrants were among those who sued in the late 19th and early 20th century to determine whether they were "white" immigrants as required by naturalization law. By 1923, courts had vindicated a "common-knowledge" standard, concluding that "scientific evidence", including the notion of a "Caucasian race" including Middle Easterners and many South Asians, was incoherent. Legal scholar John Tehranian argues that in reality this was a "performance-based" standard, relating to religious practices, education, intermarriage and a community's role in the United States.[150]
Arab Americans
Racism against Arab Americans[151] and racialized Islamophobia against Muslims have risen concomitantly with tensions between the American government and the Islamic world.[152] Following the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, discrimination and racialized violence has markedly increased against Arab Americans and many other religious and cultural groups.[153] Scholars, including Sunaina Maira and Evelyn Alsultany, argue that in the post-September 11 climate, the markers of the racialization of Muslim Americans are cultural, political, and religious rather than phenotypic.[154][155]
There have been attacks not only against Muslim Arabs, but also numerous Christian Arabs have been attacked based on their appearances.[156] Non-Arab and non-Muslim Middle Eastern people, as well as South Asians of different ethnic/religious backgrounds (Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs) have been stereotyped as "Arabs" and racialized in a similar manner. The case of Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh who was murdered at a Mesa, Arizona gas station by a white supremacist for "looking like an Arab terrorist" (because of the turban, a requirement of Sikhism), as well as that of Hindus being attacked for "being Muslims" have achieved prominence and criticism following the September 11 attacks.[157][158]
Racial profiling is a growing problem for Arab Americans following the September 11 attacks. Particularly in airports, Arab Americans are often subject to heightened security screening, pre-boarding searches and interrogations, and are sometimes denied passage "based solely on the belief that ethnicity or national origin increases passengers' flight risk."[159]
On January 27, 2017, President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 13769, titled "Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States", otherwise known as the "Muslim Ban". Entry was suspended for persons coming from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. More than 700 travelers were detained, and up to 60,000 visas were "provisionally revoked".
Iranian Americans
The November 1979 Iranian hostage crisis of the U.S. embassy in Tehran precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, directed both against the new Islamic regime and Iranian nationals and immigrants. Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981, they sometimes flare up. In response, some Iranian immigrants to the U.S. have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.[160]
Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s, it has been argued, Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has gradually shown signs of vilifying Iranians.[161]
Indian Americans
In the United States, Indian Americans have sometimes been mistaken for Arabs or Muslims, and thus, many of the same prejudices which have been experienced by Arab Americans have also been experienced by Indian Americans, regardless of their actual religious or ethnic background.
In the 1980s, a gang known as the Dotbusters specifically targeted Indian Americans in Jersey City, New Jersey with violence and harassment.[162] Studies of racial discrimination, as well as stereotyping and scapegoating of Indian Americans have been conducted in recent years.[163] In particular, racial discrimination against Indian Americans in the workplace has been correlated with Indophobia due to the rise in outsourcing/offshoring, whereby Indian Americans are blamed for US companies offshoring white-collar labor to India.[164][165] According to the offices of the Congressional Caucus on India, many Indian Americans are severely concerned of a backlash, though nothing serious has taken place yet.[165] Due to various socio-cultural reasons, implicit racial discrimination against Indian Americans largely go unreported by the Indian American community.[163]
Numerous cases of religious stereotyping of American Hindus (mainly of Indian origin) have also been documented.[166]
Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, there have been scattered incidents of Indian Americans becoming mistaken targets for hate crimes. In one example, a Sikh, Balbir Singh Sodhi, was murdered at a Phoenix gas station in a hate crime.[167] This happened after September 11, and the murderer claimed that his turban made him think that the victim was a Middle Eastern American. In another example, a pizza deliverer was mugged and beaten in Massachusetts for "being Muslim" though the victim pleaded with the assailants that he was in fact a Hindu.[168] In December 2012, an Indian American in New York City was pushed from behind onto the tracks at the 40th Street-Lowery Street station in Sunnyside and killed.[169] The police arrested a woman, Erika Menendez, who admitted to the act and justified it, stating that she shoved him onto the tracks because she believed that he was "a Hindu or a Muslim" and she wanted to retaliate for the attacks on September 11, 2001.[170]
Американцы-евреи
Antisemitism has also played a role in the history of the United States. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, hundreds of thousands of Jews escaped the pogroms in Europe.[171]
Beginning in the 1910s, Southern Jewish communities were attacked by the Ku Klux Klan, which objected to Jewish immigration, and often used "The Jewish Banker" caricature in its propaganda. In 1915, Leo Frank was lynched in Georgia while serving a life sentence after being convicted of murder.[172] This event was a catalyst in the re-formation of the Ku Klux Klan.[173]
Events in Nazi Germany also attracted attention in the United States. Jewish lobbying for intervention in Europe drew opposition from the isolationists, amongst whom was Father Charles Coughlin, a well known radio priest, who believed that the Jews were leading the United States into the war.[174] He preached weekly, overtly anti-Semitic sermons and, from 1936, he began the publication of a newspaper, Social Justice, in which he printed anti-Semitic accusations such as those which are contained in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[175]
A number of Jewish organizations, Christian organizations, Muslim organizations, and academics consider the Nation of Islam anti-Semitic. Specifically, they claim that the Nation of Islam has engaged in revisionist and antisemitic interpretations of the Holocaust and exaggerates the role of Jews in the African slave trade.[176] The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) alleged that the NOI's Health Minister, Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad, accused Jewish doctors of injecting blacks with the AIDS virus,[177] an allegation that Muhammad and The Washington Post have refuted.[178]
Although Jews are often considered white by mainstream American society, the relationship between Jews and the concept of whiteness remains complex, with some of them preferring not to identify themselves as white.[179][180][181][182] Prominent activist and rabbi Michael Lerner argues, in a 1993 Village Voice article, that "in America, to be 'white' means to be the beneficiary of the past 500 years of European exploration and exploitation of the rest of the world" and that "Jews can only be deemed white if there is massive amnesia on the part of non-Jews about the monumental history of anti-Semitism".[182]
On October 27, 2018, Robert D. Bowers opened fire in a synagogue in Pittsburgh with an AR-15-style rifle while shouting anti-Semitic racial slurs. This attack resulted in 11 dead and 6 wounded, leaving the assailant charged with 29 criminal counts, one of which was the obstruction of free exercise of religious beliefs.[183]
Continuing antisemitism has remained an issue in the United States and the 2011 Survey of American Attitudes Toward Jews in America, which was released by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), has found that the recent world economic recession increased the expression of some antisemitic viewpoints among Americans. Most of the people who were surveyed expressed pro-Jewish sentiments, with 64% of them agreeing that Jewish people have contributed much to U.S. social culture. Yet the polling also found that 19% of Americans answered "probably true" to the antisemitic canard that "Jews have too much control/influence on Wall Street" (see Economic antisemitism) while 15% of Americans concurred with the related statement that Jews seem "more willing to use shady practices" in business than other people do. Reflecting on the lingering antisemitism of about one in five Americans, Abraham H. Foxman, the ADL's national director, has argued, "It is disturbing that with all of the strides we have made in becoming a more tolerant society, anti-Semitic beliefs continue to hold a vice-grip on a small but not insubstantial segment of the American public."[184]
Цыганские американцы
The Roma population in America has blended more-or-less seamlessly into the rest of American society.[185] In the United States, the term "Gypsy" has come to be associated with a trade, a profession, or a lifestyle more than with the Romani ethnic/racial group.[186] Some Americans, especially those who are self-employed in the fortune-telling and psychic reading businesses, use the term "Gypsy" to describe themselves or their enterprises, despite the fact that they have no ties to the Roma people. This practice is motivated by misperceptions and ignorance regarding the term rather than any expression of bigotry against Romani people which is called anti-ziganism.[187]
Последствия
Historian Matthew White estimates that 3.3 million more non-white people died from 1900 up to the 1960s than they would have if they had died at the same rate as white people.[188]
Developmental
Using The Schedule of Racist Events (SRE), an 18-item self-report inventory which assesses the frequency of racist discrimination, Hope Landrine and Elizabeth A. Klonoff found that racist discrimination is rampant in the lives of African Americans and as a result, it is strongly related to psychiatric symptoms.[189] A study on racist events in the lives of African American women found that lifetime experiences of racism were positively related to lifetime histories of both physical disease and the frequency of recent common colds. These relationships were largely unaccounted for by other variables. Demographic variables such as income and educational inequality were not related to experiences of racism. The results suggest that racism can be detrimental to African Americans' well-being.[190] The physiological stress caused by racism has been documented in studies by Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, and Steven Spencer on what they term "stereotype threat."[191] Quite similarly, another example of the psychosocial consequences of discrimination have been observed in a study sampling Mexican-origin participants in Fresno, California. It was found that perceived discrimination is correlated with depressive symptoms, especially for those less acculturated in the United States, like Mexican immigrants and migrants.[192]
Along the vein of somatic responses to discrimination, Kennedy et al. found that both measures of collective disrespect were strongly correlated to black mortality (r = 0.53 to 0.56), as well as white mortality (r = 0.48 to 0.54). This data suggests that racism, measured as an ecological characteristic, is associated with a higher mortality rate among both blacks and whites.[193] Some researchers also suggest that racial segregation may lead to disparities in health and mortality. Thomas LaVeist (1989; 1993) tested the hypothesis that segregation would aid in explaining race differences in infant mortality rates across cities. Analyzing 176 large and midsized cities, LaVeist found support for the hypothesis. Since LaVeist's studies, segregation has received increased attention as a determinant of racial disparities in mortality.[citation needed] Studies have shown that mortality rates for male and female African Americans are lower in areas with lower levels of residential segregation. Mortality for male and female whites was not associated in either direction with residential segregation.[194]
Researchers Sharon A. Jackson, Roger T. Anderson, Norman J. Johnson and Paul D. Sorlie found that, after adjustment for family income, mortality risk increased with increasing minority residential segregation among Blacks aged 25 to 44 years and non-Blacks aged 45 to 64 years. In most age/race/gender groups, the highest and lowest mortality risks occurred in the highest and lowest categories of residential segregation, respectively. These results suggest that minority residential segregation may influence mortality risk and underscore the traditional emphasis on the social underpinnings of disease and death.[195] Rates of heart disease among African Americans are associated with the segregation patterns in the neighborhoods where they live (Fang et al. 1998). Stephanie A. Bond Huie writes that neighborhoods affect health and mortality outcomes primarily in an indirect fashion through environmental factors such as smoking, diet, exercise, stress, and access to health insurance and medical providers.[196] Moreover, segregation strongly influences premature mortality in the US.[197]
Much research has been done on the effects of racism on adults, but racism and discrimination also affects children and teens.[198] From infancy to adolescence, studies document a children's growth in understanding of race from being aware of race to later understanding how race and prejudice affects their life, the lives of others’, and society as a whole.[199][200][201][202][198] The comprehensive literature review of 214 published articles with key words related to the topic, such as discrimination, racism, and prejudice for adolescents aged 10–20 years (Benner et al., 2008) highlighted a link between teens' experiences of racial and ethnic discrimination and "their socioemotional distress, academic success, and risky health behaviors”. This study chose larger sample sized and peer reviewed studies, over smaller sampled and non-peer reviewed studies.[198]
In this review, researchers showed links between racial discrimination and lower socioemotional, academic, and behavioral outcomes. The socioemotional variable included depression, internalized symptoms, self-esteem, and positive well-being; academics included achievement, engagement, and motivation; and behavioral outcomes included externalized behaviors, substance abuse, deviant peer associations, and risky sexual behaviors.[198] Researchers examined the links between discrimination and other demographic variables such as race, age, and country of residence. When looking at the impact of race/ethnicity, results show that Asian and Latino youth show greater socioemotional distress and Latino youth show lower academic outcomes. Younger teens (10 to 13 years) experience more socioemotional distress than those in middle or late teens. Furthermore, when looking at county of residence, teens in the United States have a much stronger link to socioemotional distress than other countries included in the review.[198]
Societal
Schemas and stereotypes
Media
Popular culture (songs, theater) for European American audiences in the 19th century created and perpetuated negative stereotypes of African Americans. One key symbol of racism against African Americans was the use of blackface. Directly related to this was the institution of minstrelsy. Other stereotypes of African Americans included the fat, dark-skinned "mammy" and the irrational, hypersexual male "buck".
Many of these stereotypes entered public media with an imprimatur from the highest levels of white society. In a 1943 speech on the floor of Congress quoted in both The Jewish News of Detroit[203] and the antisemitic magazine The Defender of Wichita[204] Mississippi Representative John E. Rankin stated that Jewish Communists were arranging for white women to be raped by Black American men.
In recent years increasing numbers of African-American activists have asserted that rap music videos commonly utilize scantily clothed African-American performers posing as thugs or pimps. The NAACP and the National Congress of Black Women also have called for the reform of images on videos and on television. Julian Bond said that in a segregated society, people get their impressions of other groups from what they see in videos and what they hear in music.[205][206][207][208]
In a similar vein, activists protested against the BET show, Hot Ghetto Mess, which satirizes the culture of working-class African-Americans. The protests resulted in the change of the television show name to We Got to Do Better.[205]
It is understood that representations of minorities in the media have the ability to reinforce or change stereotypes. For example, in one study, a collection of white subjects were primed by a comedy skit either showing a stereotypical or neutral portrayal of African-American characters. Participants were then required to read a vignette describing an incident of sexual violence, with the alleged offender either white or black, and assign a rating for perceived guilt. For those shown the stereotypical African-American character, there was a significantly higher guilt rating for black alleged offender in the subsequent vignette, in comparison to the other conditions.[209]
While schemas have an overt societal consequence, the strong development of them have lasting effect on recipients. Overall, it is found that strong in-group attitudes are correlated with academic and economic success. In a study analyzing the interaction of assimilation and racial-ethnic schemas for Hispanic youth found that strong schematic identities for Hispanic youth undermined academic achievement.[210]
Additional stereotypes attributed to minorities continue to influence societal interactions. For example, a 1993 Harvard Law Review article states that Asian-Americans are commonly viewed as submissive, as a combination of relative physical stature and Western comparisons of cultural attitudes. Furthermore, Asian-Americans are depicted as the model minority, unfair competitors, foreigners, and indistinguishable. These stereotypes can serve to dehumanize Asian-Americans and catalyze hostility and violence.[211]
Minority-minority racism
Minority racism is sometimes considered controversial because of theories of power in society. Some theories of racism insist that racism can only exist in the context of social power so it can be imposed upon others.[212] Yet discrimination and racism has also been noted between racially marginalized groups. For example, there has been ongoing violence between African American and Mexican American gangs, particularly in Southern California.[213][214][215][216]
Conflict has also been noted between recent immigrant groups and their established ethnic counterparts within the United States. Rapidly-growing communities of African and Caribbean immigrants have come into conflict with American blacks. The amount of interaction and cooperation between black immigrants and American blacks is, ironically, debatable. One can argue that racial discrimination and cooperation are not ordinarily based on skin color, but are instead based on shared or common, cultural experiences and beliefs.[217][218]
Interpersonal discrimination
In a manner that defines interpersonal discrimination in the United States, Darryl Brown of the Virginia Law Review states that while "our society has established a consensus against blatant, intentional racism in the decades since Brown v Board of Education and it has also developed a sizeable set of legal remedies to address it", our legal system "ignores the possibility that 'race' is structural or interstitial, that it can be the root of injury even when it is not traceable to a specific intention or action".[219]
Unlike formal discrimination, interpersonal discrimination is often not an overt or deliberate act of racism. For example, in an incident regarding a racial remark which was made by a professor at Virginia Law, a rift was created by conflicting definitions of racism. For the students who defended the professor's innocence, "racism was defined as an act of intentional maliciousness". Yet for African Americans, racism was broadened to a detrimental influence on "the substantive dynamics of the classroom". As an effect, it is argued that the "daily repetition of subtle racism and subordination in the classroom can ultimately be, for African Americans, even more reductive of stress, anxiety and alienation than blatant racist acts can be." Moreover, the attention which is given to these acts of discrimination diverts energy from academics, becoming a distraction that white students do not generally face.[219]
Ethnic-racial socialization
Ethnic-racial socialization refers to the transfer of knowledge about various aspects of race or ethnicity through generations.[220] Parents of color use ethnic-racial socialization to transfer cultural knowledge to their children in order to protect them from potential biases which they may face as a result of their ethnicity and/or race.[220] However, how parents choose to socialize their children regarding issues of ethnicity and race may affect children differently.[220] For example, when parent's socialization efforts focus on positive aspects of their race or ethnicity, children of color tend to report higher self-esteem.[220] On the other hand, if the focus of socialization mainly revolves around mistrust about interracial or inter-ethnic relations, children’s self-concept, or how children view themselves might suffer.[220] Promotion of socialization that centers on mistrust is especially harmful when parents present it without also teaching positive coping skills.[220]
Wang et al. (2020)[220] conducted a meta-analytic review of 334 articles examining the effects of ethnic-racial socialization on children of color’s psychosocial adjustment. Researchers evaluated the stage of children’s development in which the effects of ethnic-racial socialization would be most prominent. Their findings using their systematic review process showed a positive relationship between parental ethnic-racial socialization and psychosocial well-being measures, including self-perception, confidence, and interpersonal relationships.
The effects of age varied based on the psychosocial well-being measure a study used. Results showed that the link between positive self-perception and ethnic-racial socialization was most effective when it occurred in childhood and early adolescence.[220] On the other hand, children who reported positive relationships between their interpersonal relationships and ethnic-racial socialization showed this paper in middle to late adolescence.[220] The effects of ethnic-racial socialization also varied based on children's race/ethnicity. Self-perception and ethnic-racial socialization are related more positively among African Americans,[220] suggesting that parents used ethnic-racial socialization to buffer against the deep-rooted stigma and biases African Americans face in the United States.[220] Contrary to the experiences of African Americans, ethnic-racial socialization was related to low self-perception among Asian Americans.[220] Extensive research is required to better understand the connection of ethnic-racial socialization for Asian American children’s psychosocial well-being.[220]
In order to better understand the effects of ethnic-racial socialization and psychological development, research should take into account known moderating factors similar to stereotype threat.[220] It is important to note that the research findings were correlational and as such does not imply causality.
Institutional racism
Institutional racism is the theory that aspects of the existing social structure, pervasive attitudes, and established institutions in society disadvantage some racial groups, but not with an overtly discriminatory mechanism.[221] There are several factors which play into institutional racism, including: accumulated wealth/benefits for racial groups which have benefited from past discrimination, educational and occupational disadvantages which are faced by non-native English speakers in the United States, ingrained stereotypical images which still exist in American society (e.g. black men are likely to be criminals).[222] Institutional racism impacts the lives of racial groups negatively as although legislations where passed in the mid 20th century to abolish any sort of segregation and discrimination it still does not change the fact that institutional racism is still able to occur to anyone. Peter Kaufman, a former sociology professor at the State University of New York [223] published an article in which Kaufman describes three instances in which institutional racism has contributed to current views of race.[224] These are:
- The mis- and Missing Education of Race, in which he describes problems which the educational system has in discussing "slavery, race, racism, and topics such as white privilege." He goes on to say that schools are still segregated based on class and race, which also contributes to the poor state of race relations[108]
- Residential Racial Segregation. According to Kaufman, schools are still segregated because towns and cities are still largely segregated.
- Media Monsters. This describes the role which the media plays in the portrayal of race. The mass media tends to play on "depictions of racialized stereotypes in the mass media [which are] ubiquitous, and such caricaturized images shape our perceptions of various racial groups." An example of this is the stereotyping of Blacks as criminals.[108][225]
Nazi Germany's use of the American racist model
The U.S. was the global leader in codified racism, and its race laws fascinated the German Nazis.[226]
In 1928, Hitler praised Americans for having "gunned down the millions of Redskins to a few hundred thousand, and now keep the modest remnant under observation in a cage".[227] On Nazi Germany's expansion eastward, Hitler stated, "Our Mississippi [the line beyond which Thomas Jefferson wanted all Indians expelled] must be the Volga, and not the Niger."[228]
The National Socialist Handbook for Law and Legislation of 1934–35, edited by the lawyer Hans Frank, contains a pivotal essay by Herbert Kier on the recommendations for race legislation which devoted a quarter of its pages to U.S. legislation—from segregation, race based citizenship, immigration regulations, and anti-miscegenation.[226] Hitler and other Nazis praised America's system of institutional racism and believed that it was the model which should be followed in their Reich. In particular, they believed that it was the model for the expansion of German territory into the territories of other nations and the elimination of their indigenous inhabitants, as well as the model for the implementation of racist immigration laws which banned some races, and laws which denied full citizenship to blacks, which they also wanted to implement against Jews. Hitler's book Mein Kampf extolled America as the only contemporary example of a country with racist ("völkisch") citizenship statutes in the 1920s, and Nazi lawyers made use of American models when they crafted their own laws in Nazi Germany.[226] U.S. citizenship laws and anti-miscegenation laws directly inspired the two principal Nuremberg Laws—the Citizenship Law and the Blood Law.[226] Establishing a restrictive entry system for Germany, Hitler admiringly wrote: "The American Union categorically refuses the immigration of physically unhealthy elements, and simply excludes the immigration of certain races."[229]
Секторы американского общества
Criminal justice system
There are unique experiences and disparities in the United States in regard to the policing and prosecuting of various races and ethnicities. There have been different outcomes for different racial groups in convicting and sentencing felons in the United States criminal justice system.[230][231] Experts and analysts have debated the relative importance of different factors that have led to these disparities.[232][233]
Academic research indicates that the over-representation of some racial minorities in the criminal justice system can in part be explained by socioeconomic factors, such as poverty, exposure to poor neighborhoods, poor access to public education, poor access to early childhood education, and exposure to harmful chemicals (such as lead) and pollution.[234][235][236][237][238][239][240][241][242][243] Racial housing segregation has also been linked to racial disparities in crime rates, as blacks have historically and to the present been prevented from moving into prosperous low-crime areas through actions of the government (such as redlining) and private actors.[244][245][246] Various explanations within criminology have been proposed for racial disparities in crime rates, including conflict theory, strain theory, general strain theory, social disorganization theory, macrostructural opportunity theory, social control theory, and subcultural theory.
Research also indicates that there is extensive racial and ethnic discrimination by police and the judicial system.[247][248][249][250][251] A substantial academic literature has compared police searches (showing that contraband is found at higher rates in whites who are stopped), bail decisions (showing that whites with the same bail decision as blacks commit more pre-trial violations), and sentencing (showing that blacks are more harshly sentenced by juries and judges than whites when the underlying facts and circumstances of the cases are similar), providing valid causal inferences of racial discrimination.[252][253][254][255] Studies have documented patterns of racial discrimination, as well as patterns of police brutality and disregard for the constitutional rights of African-Americans, by police departments in various American cities, including Los Angeles, New York, Chicago and Philadelphia.[256][257][258][259][260]
Education
In 1954, Brown vs. the Board of Education ruled that integrated, equal schools be accessible to all children unbiased to skin color. Currently in the United States, not all state funded schools are equally funded. Schools are funded by the "federal, state, and local governments" while "states play a large and increasing role in education funding."[261] "Property taxes support most of the funding that local government provides for education."[261] Schools located in lower income areas receive a lower level of funding and schools located in higher income areas receiving greater funding for education all based on property taxes. The U.S. Department of Education reports that "many high-poverty schools receive less than their fair share of state and local funding, leaving students in high-poverty schools with fewer resources than schools attended by their wealthier peers."[262] The U.S. Department of Education also reports this fact affects "more than 40% of low-income schools."[262] Children of color are much more likely to suffer from poverty than white children.
The phrase "brown paper bag test," also known as a paper bag party, along with the "ruler test" refers to a ritual once practiced by certain African-American sororities and fraternities who would not let anyone into the group whose skin tone was darker than a paper bag.[263] Spike Lee's film School Daze satirized this practice at historically black colleges and universities.[264] Along with the "paper bag test," guidelines for acceptance among the lighter ranks included the "comb test" and "pencil test," which tested the coarseness of one's hair, and the "flashlight test," which tested a person's profile to make sure their features measured up or were close enough to those of the Caucasian race.[263]
In August 2020, the US Justice Department argued that Yale University discriminated against Asian candidates on the basis of their race, a charge the university denied.[265]
Curriculum
The curriculum in U.S. schools has also contained racism against non-white Americans, including Native Americans, black Americans, Mexican Americans, and Asian Americans.[266][100] Particularly during the 19th and early 20th centuries, school textbooks and other teaching materials emphasized the biological and social inferiority of black Americans, consistently portraying black people as simple, irresponsible, and oftentimes, in situations of suffering that were implied to be their fault (and not the effects of slavery and other oppression).[266][100] Black Americans were also depicted as expendable and their suffering as commonplace, as evidenced by a poem about "Ten Little Nigger Boys" dying off one by one that was circulated as a children's counting exercise from 1875 to the mid-1900s.[100] Historian Carter G. Woodson analyzed American curriculum as completely lacking any mention of black Americans' merits in the early 20th century. Based on his observations of the time, he wrote that American students, including black students, who went through U.S. schooling would come out believing that black people had no significant history and had contributed nothing to human civilization.[267]
School curriculum often implicitly and explicitly upheld white people as the superior race marginalized the contributions and perspectives of non-white peoples as if they were (or are) not as important.[268] In the 19th century, a significant number of students were taught that Adam and Eve were white, and the other races evolved from their various descendants, growing further and further away from the original white standard.[266] In addition, whites were also fashioned as the capable caretakers of other races, namely black and Native people, who could not take care of themselves.[266] This concept was at odds with the violence white Americans had committed against indigenous and black peoples, but it was coupled with soft language that, for example, defended these acts. Mills (1994) cites the narrative about Europeans' "discovery" of a "New World," despite the people who already inhabited it, and its subsequent "colonization" instead of conquest, as examples. He maintains that these word choices constitute a cooptation of history by white people, who have used it to their advantage.[268]
Health
A 2019 review of the literature in the Annual Review of Public Health found that structural racism, cultural racism, and individual-level discrimination are "a fundamental cause of adverse health outcomes for racial/ethnic minorities and racial/ethnic inequities in health."[269]
Studies have argued that there are racial disparities in how the media and politicians act when they are faced with cases of drug addiction in which the victims are primarily black rather than white, citing the examples of how society responded differently to the crack epidemic than the opioid epidemic.[270][271]
There are major racial differences in access to health care as well as major racial differences in the quality of the health care which is provided to people. A study published in the American Journal of Public Health estimated that: "over 886,000 deaths could have been prevented from 1991 to 2000 if African Americans had received the same quality of care as whites". The key differences which they cited were lack of insurance, inadequate insurance, poor service, and reluctance to seek care.[272] A history of government-sponsored experimentation, such as the notorious Tuskegee Syphilis Study has left a legacy of African American distrust of the medical system.[273]
Inequalities in health care may also reflect a systemic bias in the way in which medical procedures and treatments are prescribed to members of different ethnic groups. A University of Edinburgh Professor of Public Health, Raj Bhopal, writes that the history of racism in science and medicine shows that people and institutions behave according to the ethos of their times and he also warns of dangers that need to be avoided in the future.[274] A Harvard Professor of Social Epidemiology contended that much modern research supported the assumptions which were needed to justify racism. She writes that racism underlies unexplained inequities in health care, including treatments for heart disease,[275] renal failure,[276] bladder cancer,[277] and pneumonia.[278] Bhopal writes that these inequalities have been documented in various studies and there are consistent findings that black Americans receive less health care than white Americans—particularly where this involves expensive new technology.[279] The University of Michigan Health study found in 2010 that black patients in pain clinics received 50% of the amount of drugs that other patients who were white received.[280] Black pain in medicine links to the racial disparities between pain management and racial bias on behalf of the health professional. In 2011, Vermont organizers took a proactive stand against racism in their communities to defeat the biopolitical struggles faced on a daily basis. The first and only universal health care law was passed in the state.[281]
Two local governments in the US have issued declarations stating that racism constitutes a public health emergency: the Milwaukee County, Wisconsin executive in May 2019, and the Cleveland City Council, in June 2020.[282][283]
Housing and land
A 2014 meta-analysis found extensive evidence of racial discrimination in the American housing market.[284] Minority applicants for housing needed to make many more enquiries to view properties.[284] Geographical steering of African-Americans in US housing remains significant.[284] A 2003 study found "evidence that agents interpret an initial housing request as an indication of a customer's preferences, but also are more likely to withhold a house from all customers when it is in an integrated suburban neighborhood (redlining). Moreover, agents' marketing efforts increase with asking price for white, but not for black, customers; blacks are more likely than whites to see houses in suburban, integrated areas (steering); and the houses agents show are more likely to deviate from the initial request when the customer is black than when the customer is white. These three findings are consistent with the possibility that agents act upon the belief that some types of transactions are relatively unlikely for black customers (statistical discrimination)."[285] Historically, there was extensive and long-lasting racial discrimination against African-Americans in the housing and mortgage markets in the United States,[286][287] as well as discrimination against black farmers whose numbers massively declined in post-WWII America due to anti-black local and federal policies.[288] According to a 2019 analysis by University of Pittsburgh economists, blacks faced a two-fold penalty due to the racially segregated housing market: rental prices increased in blocks when they underwent racial transition whereas home values declined in neighborhoods that blacks moved into.[289]
A 2017 paper by Troesken and Walsh found that pre-20th century cities "created and sustained residential segregation through private norms and vigilante activity." However, "when these private arrangements began to break down during the early 1900s" whites started "lobbying municipal governments for segregation ordinances." As a result, cities passed ordinances which "prohibited members of the majority racial group on a given city block from selling or renting property to members of another racial group" between 1909 and 1917.[290]
A 2017 study by Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago economists found that the practice of redlining—the practice whereby banks discriminated against the inhabitants of certain neighborhoods—had a persistent adverse impact on the neighborhoods, with redlining affecting homeownership rates, home values and credit scores in 2010.[291][292] Since many African-Americans could not access conventional home loans, they had to turn to predatory lenders (who charged high interest rates).[292] Due to lower home ownership rates, slumlords were able to rent out apartments that would otherwise be owned.[292] A 2019 analysis estimated that predatory housing contracts targeting African-Americans in Chicago in the 1950s and 1960s cost black families between $3 billion and $4 billion in wealth.[293]
Labor market
Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the American labor market.[284][294][295][296] A 2017 meta-analysis found "no change in the levels of discrimination against African Americans since 1989, although we do find some indication of declining discrimination against Latinos."[297] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests – tests where identical CVs for stereotypically black and white names were sent to employers – in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North America.[294] These correspondence tests showed that equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[294][298] A study which examined the job applications of actual people who were provided with identical résumés and similar interview training showed that African-American applicants with no criminal record were offered jobs at a rate as low as white applicants who had criminal records.[299] A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research paper found evidence of racial bias in how CVs were evaluated.[300] A 2020 study revealed that discrimination not only exists against minorities in callback rates in audit studies, it also increases in severity after the callbacks in terms of job offers.[301]
Research suggests that light-skinned African American women have higher salaries and greater job satisfaction than dark-skinned women.[302] Being "too black" has recently been acknowledged by the U.S. Federal courts in an employment discrimination case under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In Etienne v. Spanish Lake Truck & Casino Plaza, LLC the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, determined that an employee who was told on several occasions that her manager thought she was "too black" to do various tasks, found that the issue of the employee's skin color rather than race itself, played a key role in an employer's decision to keep the employee from advancing.[303] A 2018 study uncovered evidence which suggests that immigrants with darker skin colors are discriminated against.[304]
A 2019 experimental study found that there was a bias against blacks, Latinos and women in the hiring of postdocs in the fields of biology and physics.[305][306]
A 2008 study found that black service providers receive lower tips than white service providers.[307] Research shows that "ban the box" (the removal of the check box which asks job applicants if they have criminal records) leads employers to discriminate against young, black low-skilled applicants, possibly because employers simply assume that these applicants have checkered pasts when they are unable to prove that they do not.[308]
Media
A 2017 report by Travis L. Dixon (of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) found that major media outlets tended to portray black families as dysfunctional and dependent while white families were portrayed as stable. These portrayals may give the impression that poverty and welfare are primarily black issues. According to Dixon, this can reduce public support for social safety programs and lead to stricter welfare requirements.[309][310] A 2018 study found that media portrayals of Muslims were substantially more negative than for other religious groups (even when controlling for relevant factors).[311] A 2019 study described media portrayals of minority women in crime news stories as based on "outdated and harmful stereotypes."[312]
African Americans who possess a lighter skin complexion and "European features," such as lighter eyes, and smaller noses and lips have more opportunities in the media industry. For example, film producers hire lighter-skinned African Americans more often, television producers choose lighter-skinned cast members, and magazine editors choose African American models that resemble European features.[313] A content analysis conducted by Scott and Neptune (1997) shows that less than one percent of advertisements in major magazines featured African American models. When African Americans did appear in advertisements they were mainly portrayed as athletes, entertainers or unskilled laborers. In addition, seventy percent of the advertisements that features animal print included African American women. Animal print reinforces the stereotypes that African Americans are animalistic in nature, sexually active, less educated, have lower income, and extremely concerned with personal appearances.[314] Concerning African American males in the media, darker-skinned men are more likely to be portrayed as violent or more threatening, influencing the public perception of African American men. Since dark-skinned males are more likely to be linked to crime and misconduct, many people develop preconceived notions about the characteristics of black men.[315]
Colorism was and still is very much evident in the media. An example of this is shown in the minstrel shows that were popular during and after slavery. Minstrel shows were a very popular form of theater that involved white and black people in black face portraying black people while doing demeaning things. The actors painted their faces with black paint to and over lined their lips with bright red lipstick to exaggerate and make fun of black people.[316] When minstrel shows died out and television became popular, black actors were rarely hired and when they were, they had very specific roles. These roles included being servants, slaves, idiots, and criminals.[317] White people wanted to keep this narrative going that black people were forever in debt to them because they essentially rescued blacks from themselves and made them humans instead of savages. This is seen in the "mammy" role that black women often played. The highlights of this role included black women being the loyal servant to the master and taking care of and loving his kids more than her own. Even though black people were allowed to be on TV, they still couldn't be too black. They had to pass the color tests and if they were dark, they were usually playing a humiliating role. That trend is something that follows into present day especially for women.[citation needed] There is a huge absence of dark black women in the media and when they are shown, they are typically portraying the angry black woman stereotype but have a light-skinned character to balance them out. Darker women are rarely the protagonist that isn't troubled by drugs, or caught up in the legal system.
Politics
Politically, the "winner-take-all" structure that applies to 48 out of 50 states[318] in the electoral college benefits white representation, as no state has voters of color as the majority of the electorate.[319][dubious ] This has been described as structural bias and often leads voters of color to feel politically alienated, and therefore not to vote. The lack of representation in Congress has also led to lower voter turnout.[319] As of 2016, African Americans only made up 8.7% of Congress, and Latinos 7%.[320]
Voter ID laws have brought on accusations of racial discrimination. In a 2014 review by the Government Accountability Office of the academic literature, three studies out of five found that voter ID laws reduced minority turnout whereas two studies found no significant impact.[284] Disparate impact may also be reflected in access to information about voter ID laws. A 2015 experimental study found that election officials queried about voter ID laws are more likely to respond to emails from a non-Latino white name (70.5% response rate) than a Latino name (64.8% response rate), though response accuracy was similar across groups.[321] Studies have also analyzed racial differences in ID requests rates. A 2012 study in the city of Boston found that black and Hispanic voters were more likely to be asked for ID during the 2008 election. According to exit polls, 23% of whites, 33% of blacks, and 38% of Hispanics were asked for ID, though this effect is partially attributed to black and Hispanics preferring non-peak voting hours when election officials inspected a greater portion of IDs. Precinct differences also confound the data as black and Hispanic voters tended to vote at black and Hispanic-majority precincts.[322] A 2010 study of the 2006 midterm election in New Mexico found that Hispanics were more likely to incur ID requests while early voters, women, and non-Hispanics were less likely to incur requests.[323] A 2009 study of the 2006 midterm election nationwide found that 47% of white voters reported being asked to show photo identification at the polls, compared with 54% of Hispanics and 55% of African Americans."[324] Very few were however denied the vote as a result of voter identification requests.[256] A 2015 study found that turnout among blacks in Georgia was generally higher since the state began enforcing its strict voter ID law.[325] A 2016 study by University of California, San Diego researchers found that voter ID laws "have a differentially negative impact on the turnout of Hispanics, Blacks, and mixed-race Americans in primaries and general elections."[326]
Research by University of Oxford economist Evan Soltas and Stanford political scientist David Broockman suggests that voters act upon racially discriminatory tastes.[327] A 2018 study in Public Opinion Quarterly found that whites, in particular those who had racial resentment, largely attributed Obama's success among African-Americans to his race, and not his characteristics as a candidate and the political preferences of African-Americans.[328] A 2018 study in the journal American Politics Research found that white voters tended to misperceive political candidates from racial minorities as being more ideologically extreme than objective indicators would suggest; this adversely affected the electoral chances for those candidates.[329] A 2018 study in the Journal of Politics found that "when a white candidate makes vague statements, many [nonblack] voters project their own policy positions onto the candidate, increasing support for the candidate. But they are less likely to extend black candidates the same courtesy... In fact, black male candidates who make ambiguous statements are actually punished for doing so by racially prejudiced voters."[330]
It is argued that the racial coding of concepts like crime and welfare has been used to strategically influence public political views. Racial coding is implicit; it incorporates racially primed language or imagery in order to allude to racial attitudes and thinking. For example, in the context of domestic policy, it is argued that Ronald Reagan implied that linkages existed between concepts like "special interests" and "big government" and ill-perceived minority groups in the 1980s, using the conditioned negativity which existed toward the minority groups in order to discredit certain policies and programs during campaigns. In a study which analyzes how political ads prime attitudes, Valentino compares the voting responses of participants after they are exposed to the narration of a George W. Bush advertisement which is paired with three different types of visuals which contain different embedded racial cues in order to create three conditions: neutral, race comparison, and undeserving blacks. For example, as the narrator states "Democrats want to spend your tax dollars on wasteful government programs", the video shows an image of a black woman and her child in an office setting. Valentino found that the undeserving blacks condition produced the largest primed effect in racialized policies, like opposition to affirmative action and welfare spending.[331]
Ian Haney López, Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley, refers to the phenomenon of racial coding as dog-whistle politics, which, he argues, has pushed middle class white Americans to vote against their economic self-interest in order to punish "undeserving minorities" which, they believe, are receiving too much public assistance at their expense. According to López, conservative middle-class whites, convinced that minorities are the enemy by powerful economic interests, supported politicians who promised to curb illegal immigration and crack down on crime, but inadvertently they also voted for policies that favor the extremely rich, such as slashing taxes for top income brackets, giving corporations more regulatory control over industry and financial markets, busting unions, cutting pensions for future public employees, reducing funding for public schools, and retrenching the social welfare state. He argues that these same voters cannot link rising inequality which has impacted their lives to the policy agendas which they support, which resulted in a massive transfer of wealth to the top 1% of the population since the 1980s.[332]
A book released by the former attorney of Donald Trump, Michael Cohen, in September 2020, Disloyal: A Memoir described Trump of routinely referring to Black leaders of foreign nations with racial insults, and that he was consumed with hatred for Barack Obama. Cohen in the book explained that “as a rule, Trump expressed low opinions of all Black folks, from music to culture and politics”.[333]
Religion
Wealth
Large racial differentials in wealth remain in the United States: between whites and African Americans, the gap is a factor of twenty.[334] An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, "The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it's also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States."[335] Differentials applied to the Social Security Act (which excluded agricultural workers, a sector which then included most black workers), rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered returning soldiers after World War II. Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.[336]
A 2014 meta-analysis of racial discrimination in product markets found extensive evidence of minority applicants being quoted higher prices for products.[284]
Historically, African-Americans have faced discrimination in terms of getting access to credit.[337]
Современные проблемы
Hate crimes and terrorism
In the United States, most crimes in which victims are targeted on the basis of their race or ethnicity are considered hate crimes. Leading forms of bias which are cited in the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, based on law enforcement agency filings include: anti-black, anti-Jewish, anti-homosexual, and anti-Hispanic bias in that order in both 2004 and 2005.[338] According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, whites, black people, and Hispanic people had similar rates of violent hate crime victimization between 2007 and 2011.[339][340] However, from 2011 to 2012, violent hate crimes against Hispanic people increased by 300%.[341] When considering all hate crimes, not just violent ones, African Americans are far more likely to be victims than other racial groups.[342][343]
Hateful views
Following the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the racist preference for white immigrants[103] which dated back to the 18th century was ended,[344] and in response to this change, white nationalism grew in the United States as the conservative movement developed in mainstream society.[345] Political scientist Samuel P. Huntington argues that it developed in reaction to the perceived decline in the essence of America's identity, an identity which was believed to be European, Anglo-Saxon Protestant and English-speaking.[346]
An ABC News report which was released in 2007 recounted that past ABC polls which were conducted over a period of several years have tended to find that "six percent have self-reported harboring prejudice against Jews, 27 percent have self-reported harboring prejudice against Muslims, 25 percent have self-reported harboring prejudice against Arabs," and "one in 10 have conceded harboring at least a little bit of prejudice " against Hispanic Americans. The report also stated that a full 34% of Americans reported harboring "some racist feelings" in general as a self-description.[347] An Associated Press and Yahoo News survey of 2,227 adult Americans in 2008 found that 10% of white respondents stated that "a lot" of discrimination still exists against African-Americans while 45% of white respondents stated that only "some" discrimination still exists against African Americans compared to 57% of black respondents who stated that "a lot" of discrimination still exists against African Americans. In the same poll, more whites applied positive attributes to black Americans than negative ones, with black people describing whites even more highly, but a significant minority of whites still called African Americans "irresponsible", "lazy", or other such things.[348]
In 2008, Stanford University political scientist Paul Sniderman remarked that, in the modern U.S., racism and prejudices are "a deep challenge, and it's one that Americans in general, and for that matter, political scientists, just haven't been ready to acknowledge fully."[348]
In 2017, citizens gathered in the college community of Charlottesville, Virginia to attend the Unite the Right rally. One woman was killed and dozens of other people were injured when a white supremacist drove his car into a group of counter-protesters.[349]
Social media
In contemporary times, many racist views have found a means of expression through social media.[350]
Among the popular social networks, in particular, the American platform Reddit has been defined by the Southern Poverty Law Center as the "home of the most violently racist internet content."[351] The SPLC pointed at how racist views had gained more and more traction on Reddit, which was even replacing traditionally far-right websites such as Stormfront in both the quantity and frequency of its racist content.[351] Several prominent intellectuals and publications have agreed with this view, considering Reddit a platform which is filled with hateful, racist and harassing content. So far, however, little or nothing has been done in order to address this problem.[352]
Облегчение
There is a wide plethora of societal and political suggestions on how to alleviate the effects of continued discrimination in the United States. For example, within universities, it has been suggested that a type of committee could respond to non-sanctionable behavior.[219]
It is also argued that there is a need for "white students and faculty to reformulate white-awareness toward a more secure identity that is not threatened by black cultural institutions and can recognize the racial non-neutrality of the institutions which whites dominate" (Brown, 334). Paired with this effort, Brown encourages the increase in minority faculty members, so the embedded white normative experience begins to fragment.[219]
Within the media, it is found that racial cues prime racial stereotypic thought. Thus, it is argued that "stereotype inconsistent cues might lead to more intentioned thought, thereby suppressing racial priming effects."[331] Social psychologists, such as Jennifer Eberhardt, have done work that indicates such priming effects subconsciously help determine attitudes and behavior toward individuals regardless of intentions. These results have been incorporated into training, for example, in some police departments.[353]
It has also been argued that more evidence-based guidance from psychologists and sociologists is needed in order for people to learn what is effective in alleviating racism.[354] Such evidence-based approaches can reveal, for example, the many psychological biases to which humans are subject, such as ingroup bias and the fundamental attribution error, which can underlie racist attitudes.[355]
Psychologist Stuart Vyse has argued that argument, ideas, and facts will not mend divisions but there is evidence, such as that which is provided by the Robbers Cave Experiment, that seeking shared goals can help alleviate racism.[356]
Смотрите также
- Affirmative action in the United States
- Americanism (ideology)
- American nationalism
- Americans
- Anti-Americanism
- Anti-French sentiment in the United States
- Anti-Italianism in the United States
- Anti-racism
- Black genocide – the notion that African Americans have been subjected to genocide
- Black Lives Matter
- Black nationalism
- Black Power
- Black Power movement
- Bobby Chacon vs. Rafael Limón
- Constitutional colorblindness
- Demographics of the United States
- Discrimination in the United States
- Domestic terrorism in the United States
- Environmental racism in the United States
- Eugenics in the United States
- Far-right politics#United States
- Historical racial and ethnic demographics of the United States
- History of immigration to the United States
- Human rights in the United States
- Illegal immigration to the United States
- Immigration to the United States
- Interracial marriage in the United States
- List of ethnic riots#United States
- List of incidents of civil unrest in the United States
- Native American mascot controversy
- Nativism in the United States
- Neo-Confederate
- Race and ethnicity in the United States
- Racial equality proposal
- Racial capitalism
- Racial inequality in the United States
- Racial profiling in the United States
- Racial segregation in the United States
- Racial views of Donald Trump
- Racism by country
- Racism in early American film
- Racism in horror films
- White savior narrative in film
- Radical right (United States)
- Reverse discrimination
- Scientific racism in the United States
- Right-wing politics#United States
- Right-wing populism#United States
- Right-wing terrorism#United States
- Terrorism in the United States
- Tuskegee Syphilis Study
- Unethical human experimentation in the United States
- U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
- White genocide conspiracy theory#United States
- White nationalism#United States
- White privilege in the United States
- White supremacy#United States
- Woodrow Wilson and race
- Xenophobia and racism related to the COVID-19 pandemic#United States
- Zionist Occupation Government conspiracy theory
Заметки
- ^ Internment camps are particularly associated with World War II, but also existed during World War I. The most significant being the internment of 120,000 Japanese Americans during World War II. Additionally, almost 11,000 German Americans were similarly interned during World War II, and some Italian Americans were also interned.
- ^ In his 2009 visit to the US, the [UN] Special Rapporteur on Racism noted that "Socio-economic indicators show that poverty, race and ethnicity continue to overlap in the United States. This reality is a direct legacy of the past, in particular, it is a direct legacy of slavery, segregation and the forcible resettlement of Native Americans, which was confronted by the United States during the civil rights movement. However, whereas the country managed to establish equal treatment and non-discrimination in its laws, it has yet to redress the socioeconomic consequences of the historical legacy of racism."[2]
- ^ The initial criminal complaint gave the duration as 8:46, which came to be often cited by protesters and the media. Prosecutors revised this about three weeks later to 7:46.[71][72] In August, police body camera footage was publicly released, which showed the duration to be about 9:30.[73][74][75]
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ARTICLE XIX. CHINESE. SEC. 2. No corporation now existing or hereafter formed under the laws of this State, shall, after the adoption of this Constitution, employ directly or indirectly, in any capacity, any Chinese or Mongolian. The Legislature shall pass such laws as may be necessary to enforce this provision. Sec. 3. No Chinese shall be employed on any State, county, municipal, or other public work, except in punishment for crime. ... The Legislature shall delegate all necessary power to the incorporated cities and towns of this State for the removal of Chinese without the limits of such cities and towns, or for their location within prescribed portions of those limits, and it shall also provide the necessary legislation to prohibit the introduction into this State of Chinese after the adoption of this Constitution.
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In addition to job postings, the article also surveys evidence relevant to several of Jensen's subsidiary arguments, including lawsuits involving NINA publications, NINA restrictions in housing solicitations, Irish-American responses to NINA advertisements, and the use of NINA advertisements in Confederate propaganda", and concludes (per the abstract) that "Jensen's thesis about the highly limited extent of NINA postings requires revision", and that "the earlier view of historians generally accepting the widespread reality of the NINA phenomenon is better supported by the currently available evidence." - ^ "The New York Herald". XXVIII (186). July 7, 1863. p. 11.
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An itinerant Methodist preacher named William Joseph Simmons started up the Klan again in Atlanta. On Thanksgiving Eve 1915, Simmons took 15 friends to the top of Stone Mountain, near Atlanta, built an altar on which he placed an American flag, a Bible and an unsheathed sword, set fire to a crude wooden cross, muttered a few incantations about a "practical fraternity among men," and declared himself Imperial Wizard of the Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
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His critics, including the Anti-Defamation League, contend that Muhammad's speeches contain antisemitic slurs. The critics have provided evidence of such remarks made by [NOI leader Louis] Farrakhan but not by Muhammad. In his several taped speeches, Muhammad has named Israel among the countries in what he calls the genocidal AIDS conspiracy, but he does not single out Jews for criticism.
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дальнейшее чтение
Articles
- Kahn-Harris, Keith (November 28, 2018). "'White supremacy' is really about white degeneracy". The Guardian.
- Kennedy, Randall, "Racist Litter" (review of Eric Foner, The Second Founding: How the Civil War and Reconstruction Remade the Constitution, Norton, October 2019, ISBN 978 0 393 65257 4, 288 pp.), London Review of Books, vol. 42, no. 15 (30 July 2020), pp. 21–23. Kennedy quotes Foner (p. 23): "A century and a half after the end of slavery, the project of equal citizenship remains unfinished."
- Ross, Alex (April 30, 2018). "The Hitler Vortex: How American Racism Influenced Nazi Thought". The New Yorker. pp. 66–73.
- Sanneh, Kelefa (August 19, 2019). "The Color of Injustice". The New Yorker. pp. 18–22.
Books
- Bell, Derrick (1992). Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-0465068173.
- Lee, Erika (2019). America for Americans: A History of Xenophobia in the United States. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-1541672604.