Коренные американцы , также известные как американские индейцы , первые американцы , коренные американцы и другие термины , являются коренными народами Соединенных Штатов; иногда включая Гавайи и территории Соединенных Штатов , а иногда ограничивается материком. В США проживают 574 признанных на федеральном уровне племени, около половины из которых связаны с индейскими резервациями . «Коренные американцы» (по данным переписи населения США ) - это коренные племена, которые происходят из смежных Соединенных Штатов вместе с коренными жителями Аляски..
Всего населения | |
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Американские индейцы и коренные жители Аляски ( Бюро переписи населения 2010 г. ) [1] Одна раса : зарегистрировано 2 932 248 В сочетании с одной или несколькими другими перечисленными расами : 2 288 331 Всего : 5 220 579 ~ 1,6% от общей численности населения США. | |
Регионы со значительной численностью населения | |
Преимущественно на западе США ; небольшие общины также существуют на востоке США | |
Языки | |
Индейские языки, включая навахо , юпик центральной Аляски , тлинкит , хайда , дакота , язык сенека , лакота , западные апачи , керес , чероки , чокто , крик , кайова , команчи , осейдж , зуни , пауни , шауни , виннебаго , оджибве , Cree , O'odham [2] английский , испанский , коренной пиджин (вымерший), французский , русский (некоторые на Аляске) | |
Религия | |
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Родственные этнические группы | |
Коренные народы Соединенных Штатов, которые не являются американскими индейцами или коренными жителями Аляски, включают коренных гавайцев , самоанцев или чаморро . Согласно переписи населения США, эти народы классифицируются как « коренные жители Гавайев и других островов Тихого океана ».
Предки ныне живущих коренных американцев прибыли на территорию нынешних Соединенных Штатов по крайней мере 15 000 лет назад, возможно, намного раньше, из Азии через Берингию . [3] Впоследствии возникло огромное разнообразие народов, обществ и культур. Европейская колонизация Америки , начавшаяся в 1492 году, привела к резкому сокращению населения коренных американцев из-за новых болезней, к которым у них не было иммунитета , войн , этнических чисток и порабощения . [4] [5] [6] [7] После своего образования Соединенные Штаты, в рамках своей политики колониализма поселенцев , продолжали вести войны и устраивать массовые убийства многих коренных народов Америки, изгнали их с их исконных земель и подвергали их односторонним договорам и дискриминационной политике правительства, которая позже была направлена на принудительную ассимиляцию , в 20-м веке. [8] [9] [10] Начиная с 1960-х годов движения за самоопределение коренных американцев привели к изменениям в жизни коренных американцев, хотя до сих пор существует множество современных проблем, с которыми они сталкиваются . Сегодня в Соединенных Штатах проживает более пяти миллионов коренных американцев, 78% из которых живут за пределами резерваций: в Калифорнии , Аризоне и Оклахоме проживает самое большое количество коренных американцев в Соединенных Штатах. Большинство коренных американцев живут в маленьких городках или сельской местности .
Когда были созданы Соединенные Штаты, устоявшиеся индейские племена обычно считались полунезависимыми нациями, поскольку обычно жили в сообществах отдельно от белых поселенцев . Федеральное правительство подписывало договоры на межправительственном уровне до тех пор, пока Закон об ассигнованиях индейцев 1871 года не положил конец признанию независимых коренных наций и не стал рассматривать их как «внутренние зависимые нации» в соответствии с федеральным законом. Этот закон действительно сохранял права и привилегии, согласованные в соответствии с договорами, включая значительную степень племенного суверенитета . По этой причине многие (но не все) резервации коренных американцев по-прежнему независимы от законов штата, и действия племенных граждан в этих резервациях регулируются только племенными судами и федеральным законодательством.
Закон о индийском гражданстве 1924 года предоставил гражданство США всем коренным американцам, родившимся в Соединенных Штатах, которые еще не получили его. Это исключило категорию «индейцев, не облагаемых налогом», установленную Конституцией Соединенных Штатов , позволило коренным жителям голосовать на выборах штата и федеральных выборах и расширило защиту Четырнадцатой поправкой, предоставленную людям, «подпадающим под юрисдикцию» Соединенных Штатов. Однако некоторые штаты продолжали отказывать коренным американцам в праве голоса в течение нескольких десятилетий. Защита Билля о правах не распространяется на правительства племен, за исключением тех, которые предусмотрены Законом о гражданских правах индейцев 1968 года .
Задний план
С конца 15 века миграция европейцев в Америку привела к столетиям переноса населения, культуры и сельского хозяйства и адаптации между обществами Старого и Нового Света - процессу, известному как колумбийский обмен . Поскольку большинство групп коренных американцев исторически сохраняли свою историю с помощью устных традиций и произведений искусства, первые письменные источники контактов были написаны европейцами. [11]
Этнографы обычно классифицируют коренные народы Северной Америки по десяти географическим регионам с общими культурными чертами, называемым культурными ареалами. [12] Некоторые ученые объединяют регионы Плато и Большого бассейна в Межгорный Запад, некоторые отделяют народы прерий от народов Великих равнин, а некоторые отделяют племена Великих озер от северо-восточных лесов. Десять культурных областей включают в себя:
- Арктика , включая алеуты , инуиты и юпики
- Субарктический
- Северо-восточные леса
- Юго-восточные леса
- Великие равнины
- Большой бассейн
- Северо-западное плато
- Северо-западное побережье
- Калифорния
- Юго-запад ( Оазисамерика )
Во время первого контакта культуры коренных народов сильно отличались от культур протоиндустриальных и в основном христианских иммигрантов. В частности, некоторые северо-восточные и юго-западные культуры были матрилинейными и действовали на более коллективной основе, чем те, с которыми были знакомы европейцы. Большинство коренных американских племен сохранили свои охотничьи угодья и сельскохозяйственные угодья, чтобы использовать все племя. В то время европейцы жили в культурах, в которых были разработаны совершенно разные концепции прав собственности на землю. Различия в культурах между устоявшимися коренными американцами и европейцами-иммигрантами и смена союзов между разными народами во время войны вызвали серьезную политическую напряженность, этническое насилие и социальные разрушения.
Еще до того, как европейцы заселили территорию, которая сейчас является Соединенными Штатами, коренные американцы страдали от большого количества смертей от контакта с новыми европейскими болезнями , к которым они еще не приобрели иммунитета ; болезни были эндемичны для испанцев и других европейцев и распространялись при прямом контакте и, вероятно, через свиней, сбежавших из экспедиций. [13] Считается, что эпидемии оспы привели к самым большим потерям жизни среди коренного населения. Уильям М. Деневан, известный писатель и почетный профессор географии Университета Висконсин-Мэдисон, сказал по этому поводу в своем эссе «Первозданный миф: пейзаж Америки в 1492 году»; «Уменьшение численности коренного населения Америки было быстрым и серьезным, что, вероятно, стало величайшей демографической катастрофой в истории. Болезни Старого Света были главной причиной смерти. Во многих регионах, особенно в тропических низинах, население сократилось на 90 процентов или более в первое столетие после контакта. . " [14] [15]
Оценки доколумбового населения того, что сегодня составляет США, значительно различаются: от 3,8 миллиона Уильяма М. Деневана в его работе 1992 года Коренное население Америки в 1492 году до 18 миллионов в статье Генри Ф. Добинса. (1983). [13] [14] [16] [17] Работа Генри Ф. Добинса, являющаяся наивысшей отдельной оценкой в области профессиональных академических исследований по этой теме, подверглась критике за «политическую мотивацию». [13] Возможно, самым ярым критиком Добинса является Дэвид Хенидж, библиограф африканского языка из Университета Висконсина, чьи « Числа из ниоткуда» (1998) [18] описываются как «веха в демографической литературе». [13] «Подозреваемый в 1966 году, он не менее подозрительный в наши дни», - писал Хениге о работе Добинса. «Во всяком случае, это хуже». [13]
После того, как тринадцать колоний восстали против Великобритании и основали Соединенные Штаты, президент Джордж Вашингтон и военный министр Генри Нокс задумали идею «цивилизовать» коренных американцев в рамках подготовки к ассимиляции в качестве граждан США. [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] Ассимиляция (будь то добровольное, как и с чоктав , [24] [25] или вынуждены ) стала последовательной политики через американские администрации. В 19 веке идеология явной судьбы стала неотъемлемой частью американского националистического движения. Экспансия европейско-американского населения на запад после американской революции привела к усилению давления на земли коренных американцев, войнам между группами и росту напряженности. В 1830 году Конгресс США принял Акт о переселении индейцев, разрешив правительству переселить коренных американцев с их родных земель в пределах установленных штатов на земли к западу от реки Миссисипи , учитывая европейско-американскую экспансию. Это привело к этнической чистке многих племен с жестокими насильственными маршами, известными как «След слез» .
Современные коренные американцы имеют уникальные отношения с Соединенными Штатами, потому что они могут быть членами наций, племен или групп, обладающих суверенитетом и договорными правами, на которых основаны федеральный закон об индейцах и федеральные доверительные отношения с индейцами. [26] Культурный активизм с конца 1960-х годов увеличил участие в политической жизни и привел к расширению усилий по обучению и сохранению языков коренных народов для молодого поколения и созданию большей культурной инфраструктуры: коренные американцы основали независимые газеты и онлайн-СМИ, в том числе недавно First «Nations Experience» , первый телеканал коренных американцев; [27] учредили программы изучения коренных американцев , племенные школы и университеты , а также музеи и языковые программы. Литература находится в авангарде исследований американских индейцев во многих жанрах, за исключением художественной литературы, которую некоторые традиционные американские индейцы считают оскорбительной из-за конфликта с устными традициями племен. [28]
Термины, используемые для обозначения коренных американцев , временами были противоречивыми . Способы, которыми коренные американцы называют себя, различаются в зависимости от региона и поколения, при этом многие коренные американцы старшего возраста идентифицируют себя как «индейцы» или «американские индейцы», тогда как более молодые коренные американцы часто идентифицируют себя как «коренные» или «аборигены». Термин «коренные американцы» традиционно не включал коренных гавайцев или некоторых коренных жителей Аляски , таких как алеуты , юпики или инуиты . Для сравнения, коренные народы Канады , как правило , известны как первые нации . [29]
История
Урегулирование Америки
Точно не известно, как и когда коренные американцы впервые заселили Америку и современные Соединенные Штаты. Преобладающая теория предполагает, что люди мигрировали из Евразии через Берингию , сухопутный мост, который соединил Сибирь с современной Аляской во время последнего ледникового периода , а затем распространились на юг по всей Америке в течение последующих поколений. Генетические данные свидетельствуют о том, что из Азии прибыли по крайней мере три волны мигрантов, первая из которых произошла не менее 15000 лет назад. [30] Эти миграции могли начаться еще 30 000 лет назад [31] и продолжались примерно 10 000 лет назад, когда сухопутный мост затонул из-за повышения уровня моря в начале текущего межледникового периода. [32]
Доколумбовая эпоха
Доколумбовая эпоха включает в себя все периодические подразделения в истории и предыстории Америки до появления значительных европейских влияний на американских континентах, начиная со времени первоначального поселения в период верхнего палеолита и заканчивая европейской колонизацией в период раннего Нового времени . Технически относящийся к эпохе до прибытия Христофора Колумба в 1492 году на континент, на практике этот термин обычно включает в себя историю американских коренных культур до тех пор, пока они не были завоеваны или находились под значительным влиянием европейцев, даже если это произошло через десятилетия или даже столетия после Колумба. 'начальная посадка.
Культуры коренных американцев обычно не включаются в характеристики передовых культур каменного века как « неолитические », что чаще всего включает в себя только культуры Евразии, Африки и других регионов. Используемые археологические периоды - это классификации археологических периодов и культур, установленные в книге Гордона Уилли и Филиппа Филлипса « Метод и теория в американской археологии » 1958 года . Они разделили археологические находки в Америке на пять этапов . [33]
Литическая стадия
Многочисленные палеоиндийские культуры населяли Северную Америку, некоторые из них располагались вокруг Великих равнин и Великих озер современных Соединенных Штатов и Канады , а также в прилегающих районах к западу и юго-западу. Согласно устным историям многих коренных народов Америки, они жили на этом континенте с момента своего возникновения, описанного широким спектром традиционных историй о сотворении мира . У других племен есть истории, в которых рассказывается о миграциях по длинным участкам земли и большой реке, которая, как полагают, была рекой Миссисипи . [34] Генетические и лингвистические данные связывают коренное население этого континента с древними выходцами из северо-восточной Азии. Археологические и лингвистические данные позволили ученым обнаружить некоторые миграции внутри Америки.
Археологические данные на сайте Гоулты возле Остина, штат Техас, показывает , что предварительно Кловис народы поселились в Техасе около 16,000-20,000 лет назад. Свидетельства существования докловисских культур были также обнаружены в пещерах Пейсли в южно-центральном Орегоне, а кости мастодонта были вырезаны в провале недалеко от Таллахасси, Флорида. Более убедительно, но также спорно то, что еще один предхловисский остров был обнаружен в Монте-Верде , Чили. [35]
Культура Кловис , мегафауна охоты культуры, в первую очередь идентифицируется с использованием рифленых копьем точек. Артефакты этой культуры были впервые обнаружены в 1932 году недалеко от Хлодвига, штат Нью-Мексико . Культура Хлодвига распространялась на большей части Северной Америки, а также появилась в Южной Америке. Культура идентифицируется по характерному наконечнику Хлодвига , кремневому наконечнику из чешуек с зубчатой флейтой, с помощью которого оно вставлялось в древко. Датирование материалов Хлодвига было связано с костями животных и с использованием методов углеродного датирования . Недавние повторные исследования материалов Хлодвига с использованием улучшенных методов углеродного датирования дали результаты 11 050 и 10 800 радиоуглеродных лет назад (примерно от 9100 до 8850 до н.э.). [36]
Фолс Традиция характеризуется использование точек Фолса как метательные советы и деятельность известных из глушения сайтов, где забой и разделка из бизона имели место. Орудия Фолсома остались в прошлом между 9000 и 8000 годами до нашей эры. [37]
Народы, говорящие на языке на-дене, вошли в Северную Америку примерно с 8000 г. до н.э., достигнув северо-запада Тихого океана к 5000 г. до н.э. [38], а оттуда мигрировали вдоль Тихоокеанского побережья во внутренние районы. Лингвисты, антропологи и археологи считают, что их предки совершили отдельную миграцию в Северную Америку позже, чем первые палеоиндейцы. Они мигрировали на Аляску и север Канады, на юг вдоль Тихоокеанского побережья, во внутренние районы Канады и на юг до Великих равнин и юго-запада Америки. Na-дене -speaking народы были самыми ранними предками атапасков -speaking народов, в том числе современной и исторической навахо и Apache . Они построили в своих деревнях большие многоквартирные дома, которые использовались сезонно. Люди жили там не круглый год, а на лето, чтобы охотиться и ловить рыбу, а на зиму собирать припасы. [39]
Архаический период
С 1990 - х годов, археологи исследовали и от одиннадцати Средний архаических сайтов в современной Луизиане и Флориде , в которой ранние культуры построены комплексы с несколькими земляными насыпями ; они были обществами охотников-собирателей, а не оседлыми земледельцами, которые, согласно теории неолитической революции, считались необходимыми для поддержания таких больших деревень в течение длительного времени. Ярким примером является Уотсон-Брейк в северной Луизиане, чей комплекс из 11 курганов датируется 3500 годом до нашей эры, что делает его самым старым и датированным местом в Северной Америке для такого сложного строительства. [ необходима цитата ] Это почти на 2 000 лет старше, чем место « Точка бедности» . Строительство курганов продолжалось 500 лет, пока это место не было заброшено около 2800 г. до н.э., вероятно, из-за изменения условий окружающей среды. [40]
В Oshara Традиция люди жили от 700 до 1000 CE. Они были частью юго-западной архаической традиции, сосредоточенной в северо-центральной части штата Нью-Мексико , в бассейне Сан-Хуан , в долине Рио-Гранде , на юге Колорадо и на юго-востоке штата Юта . [41]
Культура Бедности-Пойнт - это позднеархаическая археологическая культура , населявшая нижнюю часть долины Миссисипи и окружающее побережье Мексиканского залива. Культура процветала с 2200 г. до н.э. до 700 г. до н.э., в период поздней архаики. [42] Свидетельства этой культуры были найдены более чем в 100 местах, от крупного комплекса в Бедности-Пойнт, штат Луизиана ( объект Всемирного наследия ЮНЕСКО ), на расстоянии 100 миль (160 км) до Джектауна возле Белзони , штат Миссисипи. .
Постархаический период
Формирующий, классический и постклассический этапы иногда объединяются вместе как постархаический период, который начинается с 1000 г. до н.э. и далее. [43] Места и культуры включают в себя: Адену , Old Copper , Oasisamerica , Woodland , Fort Ancient , традиции Hopewell и культуры Миссисипи .
Период Woodland Северной Америки доколумбовой культуры относится к периоду времени от примерно 1000 г. до н.э. до 1000 н.э. в восточной части Северной Америки. Культурный регион Истерн-Вудлендс охватывает территорию, которая сейчас является восточной Канадой, к югу от Субарктического региона, восток Соединенных Штатов , а также Мексиканский залив . [44] Хоупвелл традиция описывает общие аспекты культуры , которые процветали вдоль рек на северо - востоке и Среднем Западе Соединенных Штатов Америки от 100 г. до н.э. до 500 н.э., в период Среднего Woodland . Традиция Хоупвелла была не отдельной культурой или обществом, а широко рассредоточенным набором родственных групп населения. Они были связаны общей сетью торговых путей, [45] [46] Этот период считается этапом развития без каких-либо серьезных изменений за короткий период, но вместо этого имеет непрерывное развитие в каменных и костяных орудиях, обработке кожи, текстильном производстве. , инструментальное производство, выращивание и строительство убежищ. [45]
В коренных народов Тихоокеанского северо - западного побережья были многих народов и союзами племен, каждый с самобытной культурной и политической идентичности, но они разделяют определенные убеждения, традиции и практики, такие как центральности лосося в качестве ресурса и духовного символа. Праздник подарков, потлач , - очень сложное мероприятие, на которое люди собираются, чтобы отметить особые события. Эти события включают возведение Тотемного столба или назначение или избрание нового вождя. Самая известная художественная особенность этой культуры - Тотемный столб с изображениями животных и других персонажей в память о культурных верованиях, легендах и знаменательных событиях.
Миссисипии культуры была насыпь потенциал Native даты американской цивилизации археологи из приблизительно 800 CE до 1600 CE, изменяясь на региональном уровне . [47] Он состоял из ряда городских поселений и деревень-спутников (пригородов), связанных между собой разрозненной торговой сетью, [48] самый большой город - Кахокия , который считается крупным религиозным центром. Цивилизация процветала на территории нынешних Среднего Запада , Востока и Юго-Востока Соединенных Штатов . [49] [50]
Множество доколумбовых обществ были оседлыми, такие как народы пуэбло , мандан , хидатса и другие, а некоторые основали крупные поселения и даже города, такие как Кахокия , на территории современного Иллинойса . Ирокезы Лига Наций или «Люди длинного дома» была политически продвинутые, демократическое общество, которое , как полагают некоторые историки, повлияли на Конституции Соединенных Штатов , [51] [52] с Сенатом принятия решения по этому вопросу в 1988 году. [53] Другие историки оспаривают эту интерпретацию и считают, что влияние было минимальным или не существовало, указывая на многочисленные различия между двумя системами и многочисленные прецеденты конституции в европейской политической мысли. [54] [55] [56]
Европейские исследования и колонизация
После 1492 года европейское исследование и колонизация Америки произвело революцию в восприятии себя в Старом и Новом Свете. Многие из первых крупных контактов были во Флориде и на побережье Персидского залива испанскими исследователями. [57] Некоторые ученые назвали этот момент в истории началом «эпохи капитала» или капиталоцена: эпохи, охватывающей эпоху, ориентированную на прибыль, которая привела к изменению климата, глобальному изменению земель. [58]
Воздействие на коренное население
С 16 по 19 века население коренных американцев резко сократилось. [59] Большинство ученых считают , что господствующих среди различных факторов , способствовавших, [60] эпидемическая болезнь была подавляющей причиной сокращения численности населения коренных американцев из - за отсутствием иммунитета к новым заболеваниям , привезенным из Европы. [61] [62] [63] [64] Трудно оценить количество доколумбовых коренных американцев, которые жили на территории сегодняшних Соединенных Штатов Америки. [65] Оценки варьируются от 2,1 миллиона до 18 миллионов ( Dobyns, 1983). [16] [66] [67] К 1800 году коренное население современных Соединенных Штатов сократилось примерно до 600 000 человек, и только 250 000 коренных американцев остались в 1890-х годах. [68] Ветряная оспа и корь , эндемичные, но редко смертельные среди европейцев (спустя много времени после того, как были завезены из Азии), часто оказывались смертельными для коренных американцев. [69] [70] [71] [72] В течение 100 лет после прибытия испанцев в Америку крупные эпидемии болезней опустошили большую часть восточной части Соединенных Штатов в 16 веке. [73]
Есть ряд задокументированных случаев, когда болезни преднамеренно распространялись среди коренных американцев как форма биологической войны . Наиболее известный пример произошел в 1763 году, когда сэр Джеффри Амхерст , главнокомандующий войсками в британской армии , писал хваля использование натуральной оспы инфицированных одеял в «вытравить» индийская раса. Одеяла, зараженные оспой, раздавали коренным американцам, осаждающим Форт Питт . Эффективность попытки неясна. [74] [75] [76]
В 1634 г. о. Эндрю Уайт из Общества Иисуса основал миссию на территории нынешнего штата Мэриленд , и цель миссии, заявленная через переводчика вождю индейского племени, заключалась в том, чтобы «распространить цивилизацию и наставление среди его невежественной расы. , и укажи им путь на небеса ». [77] Пт. В дневниках Эндрю сообщается, что к 1640 году была основана община, которую они назвали Святой Марии, и индейцы отправляли туда своих детей «учиться у англичан». [78] Сюда входила дочь вождя индейцев племени Пискатауэй Таяк, которая является примером не только школы для индейцев, но и школы для девочек, или начальной школы совместного обучения. В тех же записях сообщается, что в 1677 году «наше Общество открыло гуманитарную школу в центре [Мэриленда] под руководством двух отцов; и местная молодежь, усердно прилагая усилия к учебе, добилась хороших успехов. Мэриленд и недавно открытая школа отправила в Сент-Омер двух мальчиков, которые уступали в способностях немногим европейцам, когда боролись за честь быть первыми в своем классе. Так что не только золото, ни серебро, ни другие продукты земли, но мужчины. также собираются оттуда, чтобы привести те регионы, которые иностранцы несправедливо называли свирепыми, к более высокому состоянию добродетели и совершенствования ". [79]
В середине 17 века бобровые войны велись из-за торговли мехом между ирокезами и гуронами , северными алгонкинами и их французскими союзниками. Во время войны ирокезы разрушили несколько крупных племенных конфедераций, включая гуронов , нейтралов , эри , саскеханнок и шауни , и стали доминирующими в регионе и расширили свою территорию.
В 1727 году сестры Ордена Святой Урсулы основали Академию Урсулин в Новом Орлеане , которая в настоящее время является старейшей постоянно действующей школой для девочек и старейшей католической школой в Соединенных Штатах. С момента своего основания он предлагал первые классы для девочек из числа коренных американцев, а позже предлагал классы для афроамериканских рабов и свободных цветных женщин .
Между 1754 и 1763 годами многие индейские племена были вовлечены в войну между французами и индейцами / Семилетнюю войну . Те, кто занимался торговлей пушниной, обычно вступали в союз с французскими войсками против британских колониальных ополченцев. Британцы сделали меньше союзников, но к ним присоединились некоторые племена, которые хотели доказать ассимиляцию и лояльность в поддержку договоров о сохранении своих территорий. Они часто разочаровывались, когда впоследствии такие договоры отменялись. Племена имели свои собственные цели, используя свои союзы с европейскими державами для борьбы с традиционными врагами коренных народов. Некоторые ирокезы, которые были верны британцам и помогали им сражаться в американской революции , бежали на север, в Канаду.
После того, как европейские исследователи достигли Западного побережья в 1770-х годах, оспа быстро убила по крайней мере 30% коренных американцев Северо-Западного побережья . В течение следующих восьмидесяти-ста лет оспа и другие болезни опустошали коренное население региона. [80] Население района Пьюджет-Саунд , которое когда-то оценивалось в 37 000 человек, сократилось до 9 000 выживших к моменту массового прибытия поселенцев в середине 19 века. [81]
Эпидемии оспы в 1780–82 и 1837–38 годах привели к опустошению и резкому сокращению населения равнинных индейцев . [82] [83] К 1832 году федеральное правительство учредило программу вакцинации коренных американцев от оспы ( Закон о вакцинации индейцев 1832 года ). Это была первая федеральная программа, созданная для решения проблемы здоровья коренных американцев. [84] [85]
Знакомство с животными
При встрече двух миров животные, насекомые и растения были перенесены из одного в другой, намеренно и случайно, в так называемом колумбийском обмене . [86] В 16 веке испанцы и другие европейцы привезли лошадей в Мексику. Некоторые лошади сбежали и начали размножаться и увеличивать свою численность в дикой природе. Когда коренные американцы начали использовать животных, они начали существенно менять свою культуру, особенно за счет расширения своих кочевых ареалов для охоты. Реинтродукция лошади в Северную Америку оказала глубокое влияние на культуру коренных американцев Великих равнин .
17 век
Война короля Филиппа
Война короля Филиппа , называемый также Метаком «S войны или Метаком в Rebellion, был последним крупным вооруженным [87] Конфликт между Native американских жителей современных южных Новой Англии и английских колонистов и их индейских союзников от 1675 до 1676. Это продолжалось в север Новой Англии (в основном на границе штата Мэн) даже после того, как король Филипп был убит, до тех пор, пока в апреле 1678 года в заливе Каско не был подписан договор [88].
18-ый век
Естественное общество
Некоторые европейские философы считали индейские общества действительно «естественными» и представителями золотого века, известного им только в народной истории. [89]
Американская революция
Во время американской революции недавно провозглашенные Соединенные Штаты соревновались с британцами за верность индейским народам к востоку от реки Миссисипи . Большинство коренных американцев, присоединившихся к борьбе, встали на сторону британцев, основываясь как на их торговых отношениях, так и на надеждах, что колониальное поражение приведет к остановке дальнейшей колониальной экспансии на землю коренных американцев. Первой местной общиной, подписавшей договор с новым правительством Соединенных Штатов, была ленапе .
В 1779 году экспедиция Салливана проводилась во время Войны за независимость Америки против британцев и четырех союзных наций ирокезов. Джордж Вашингтон отдал приказ, ясно дававший понять, что он хочет полностью устранить угрозу ирокезов :
Экспедиция, которой вы назначены командовать, должна быть направлена против враждебных племен Шести наций индейцев, а также их соратников и сторонников. Ближайшие цели - полное разрушение и разорение их поселений, а также захват как можно большего числа заключенных любого возраста и пола. Будет важно погубить их посевы сейчас в земле и предотвратить их дальнейший посев. [90]
Британцы заключили мир с американцами по Парижскому договору (1783 г.) , по которому они уступили обширные территории коренных американцев Соединенным Штатам без информирования и консультаций с коренными американцами.
Соединенные Штаты
Соединенные Штаты стремились расширяться, развивать сельское хозяйство и поселения в новых районах, а также удовлетворять земельный голод поселенцев из Новой Англии и новых иммигрантов. Первоначально национальное правительство стремилось купить землю коренных американцев по договорам . Государства и поселенцы часто не соглашались с этой политикой. [91]
Политика Соединенных Штатов в отношении коренных американцев продолжала развиваться после Американской революции. Джордж Вашингтон и Генри Нокс считали, что коренные американцы равны, но их общество хуже. Вашингтон сформулировал политику поощрения «цивилизационного» процесса. [20] У Вашингтона был план развития цивилизации из шести пунктов, который включал:
- беспристрастное правосудие по отношению к коренным американцам
- регулируемая покупка земель коренных американцев
- продвижение торговли
- продвижение экспериментов по цивилизации или улучшению индейского общества
- президентские полномочия дарить подарки
- наказание тех, кто нарушил права коренных американцев. [22]
В конце 18 века реформаторы, начиная с Вашингтона и Нокса [92], поддерживали обучение как детей, так и взрослых коренным народам, стремясь «цивилизовать» или иным образом ассимилировать коренных американцев в более крупном обществе (в противоположность отнесению их к резервациям ). Закон Цивилизации фонд 1819 способствовал этой цивилизации политики, предоставляя финансирование для общества ( в основном религиозного) , которые работали в направлении улучшения американских индейцев. [93]
19 век
Население калифорнийских индейцев сократилось на 90% в 19 веке - с более чем 200 000 в начале 19 века до примерно 15 000 в конце века, в основном из-за болезней. [94] По стране индейцев Калифорнии прокатились эпидемии , такие как эпидемия малярии в 1833 году . [95] Население стало сокращаться в результате того, что испанские власти заставили коренных жителей Калифорнии жить в миссиях, где они заразились болезнями, от которых у них был слабый иммунитет. По оценке доктора Кука, 15 250 человек, или 45% сокращения населения в миссиях, было вызвано болезнями. Две эпидемии кори, одна в 1806 году, а другая в 1828 году, унесли множество смертей. Уровень смертности был настолько высоким, что миссии постоянно зависели от новых обращений. Во время Калифорнийской золотой лихорадки многие местные жители были убиты прибывающими поселенцами, а также отрядами ополченцев, финансируемыми и организованными правительством Калифорнии. [96] Некоторые ученые утверждают, что государственное финансирование этих ополченцев, а также роль правительства США в других массовых убийствах в Калифорнии, таких как Кровавый остров и резня в Йонтокете , в каждой из которых погибли до 400 или более местных жителей, представляет собой кампанию геноцида против коренных жителей Калифорнии . [97] [98]
Расширение на запад
По мере продолжения американской экспансии, коренные американцы сопротивлялись вторжению поселенцев в ряде областей новой нации (и в неорганизованных территориях), с северо - запада на юго - восток, а затем на Западе, как и поселенцы столкнулись с индейскими племенами на Великих равнинах . К востоку от реки Миссисипи межплеменная армия во главе с Текумсе , вождем шауни, вела ряд сражений на северо-западе в период 1811–1812 годов, известных как война Текумсе . Во время войны 1812 года войска Текумсе объединились с британцами. После смерти Текумсе британцы перестали помогать коренным американцам к югу и западу от Верхней Канады, и американская экспансия шла с небольшим сопротивлением. Конфликты на юго - востоке включают Крик войну и семинолы войну , как до и после индийской депортации большинства членов Tribes Пяти Цивилизованных .
В 1830-х годах президент Эндрю Джексон подписал Закон 1830 года о переселении индейцев - политику переселения индейцев с их родных земель на индейские территории и резервации в прилегающих районах, чтобы открыть их земли для поселений инородцев. [100] Это привело к Шлейфу слез .
В июле 1845 года редактор нью-йоркской газеты Джон Л. О'Салливан придумал фразу « Манифест судьбы » как «замысел Провидения» в поддержку территориальной экспансии Соединенных Штатов. [101] Manifest Destiny имел серьезные последствия для коренных американцев, поскольку континентальная экспансия США происходила за счет их оккупированных земель. [102] Оправдание политики завоевания и подчинения коренных народов проистекает из стереотипного восприятия всех коренных американцев как «безжалостных индийских дикарей» (как это описано в Декларации независимости Соединенных Штатов ). [103] Сэм Вулфсон в The Guardian пишет: «Отрывок из декларации часто цитируется как инкапсуляция бесчеловечного отношения к коренным американцам, на котором были основаны США». [104]
Закон Индийских ассигнований 1851 создал прецедент для современных американских индейцев оговорок пути выделения средств, чтобы переместить западные племена в резервации , так как там больше не было землей для переселения.
Индейские народы на равнинах на западе продолжали вооруженные конфликты с США на протяжении всего XIX века, в ходе так называемых войн индейцев . [105] Известные конфликты в этот период включают Дакотскую войну , Великую войну сиу , Змеиную войну , Колорадскую войну и Техасско-индейские войны . Выражая пограничные антииндийские настроения, Теодор Рузвельт считал, что индейцам суждено исчезнуть под натиском белой цивилизации, в своей лекции 1886 года он заявил:
Я не заходил так далеко, чтобы думать, что единственные хорошие индейцы - это мертвые индейцы, но я считаю, что девять из десяти - таковы, и мне не хотелось бы слишком подробно разбираться в случае с десятым. [106]
Одним из последних и наиболее заметных событий во время индийских войн была резня в Раненом Колене в 1890 году. [107] В годы, предшествовавшие ей, правительство США продолжало захватывать земли Лакота . Призрачный танец ритуал в резервации Северной Лакоты в Вундед, Южная Дакота , привел к попытке армии США , чтобы покорить Лакоту. Танец был частью религиозного движения, основанного духовным лидером северных пайютов Вовокой, которое рассказывало о возвращении Мессии, чтобы облегчить страдания коренных американцев, и пообещало, что если они будут жить праведной жизнью и правильно исполнят танец призраков, американец европейского происхождения колонисты исчезнут, бизоны вернутся, а живые и мертвые воссоединятся в Эдемском мире. [107] 29 декабря в Вундед-Ни началась стрельба, и солдаты США убили до 300 индейцев, в основном стариков, женщин и детей. [107]
гражданская война
Коренные американцы служили в вооруженных силах Союза и Конфедерации во время Гражданской войны в США . В начале войны, например, партия меньшинства чероки выразила приверженность Конфедерации, в то время как первоначально партия большинства пошла на север. [109] Коренные американцы сражались, зная, что могут поставить под угрозу свою независимость, уникальную культуру и исконные земли, если они окажутся на проигравшей стороне Гражданской войны. [109] [110] 28 693 коренных американца служили в армиях Союза и Конфедерации во время Гражданской войны, участвуя в таких сражениях, как Пи-Ридж , Второй Манассас , Антиетам , Спотсильвания , Колд-Харбор , а также в федеральных атаках на Петербург . [110] [111] Некоторые индейские племена, такие как Крик и Чокто, были рабовладельцами и нашли политическую и экономическую общность с Конфедерацией. [112] У чокто было более 2000 рабов. [113]
Переезд и бронирование
В XIX веке непрекращающаяся экспансия Соединенных Штатов на запад вынуждала большое количество коренных американцев переселяться дальше на запад, часто с применением силы, почти всегда неохотно. Коренные американцы полагали , что это насильственное переселение нелегального, учитывая договор Хоупвел от 1785 президента Под Эндрю Джексона , Конгресс США принял индийское удаление Закона 1830 года, который разрешает президент договора поведения для обмена коренных американцев земли к востоку от реки Миссисипи для земли к западу от реки.
Целых 100 000 коренных американцев переехали на Запад в результате этой политики переселения индейцев . Теоретически переселение должно было быть добровольным, и многие коренные американцы остались на Востоке. На практике на лидеров коренных американцев оказывалось большое давление, чтобы они подписали договоры о высылке. Самым вопиющим нарушением, « Следом слез» , было переселение чероки президентом Джексоном на территорию Индии . [114] Депортация навахо правительством США в 1864 году произошла, когда 8000 навахо были отправлены в лагерь для интернированных в Боске-Редондо, [115] где под вооруженной охраной погибли более 3500 мужчин, женщин и детей навахо и мескалеро-апачей. от голода и болезней. [115]
Коренные американцы и гражданство США
В 1817 году чероки стали первыми коренными американцами, признанными гражданами США. Согласно статье 8 договора чероки 1817 года, «более 300 чероки (глав семейств) в честной простоте своей души сделали выборы, чтобы стать американскими гражданами». [25] [116]
Факторы, устанавливающие гражданство, включали:
- Положение договора (как с чероки)
- Регистрация и отвод земли в соответствии с Законом Дауэса от 8 февраля 1887 г.
- Выдача патента на платной основе
- Принятие привычек цивилизованной жизни
- Несовершеннолетние дети
- Гражданство по рождению
- Стать солдатом и матросом в вооруженных силах США
- Брак с гражданином США
- Специальный акт Конгресса.
После Гражданской войны в США Закон о гражданских правах 1866 года гласит, что «все лица, рожденные в Соединенных Штатах и не подчиняющиеся никаким иностранным властям, за исключением индейцев, не облагаемых налогами, настоящим объявляются гражданами Соединенных Штатов». [117]
Закон об индийских ассигнованиях 1871 г.
В 1871 году Конгресс добавил всадника в Закон об ассигнованиях индейцев , подписанный президентом Улиссом С. Грантом , положивший конец признанию Соединенными Штатами дополнительных индейских племен или независимых наций и запрещающий дополнительные договоры. [118]
Образование
После войн с индейцами в конце 19 века правительство создало школы-интернаты для коренных американцев , которые первоначально принадлежали христианским миссионерам или были связаны с ними. [119] В то время американское общество считало, что детей коренных американцев необходимо приучать к обществу в целом. Опыт школы-интерната был полным погружением в современное американское общество, но он мог оказаться травмирующим для детей, которым было запрещено говорить на их родных языках . Их учили христианству, им не разрешали исповедовать свои родные религии, а также многими другими способами заставляли отказаться от своей индейской идентичности. [120] [121] [122]
До 1930-х годов в школах резерваций не было обучения после шестого класса. Чтобы получить больше, обычно требовалась школа-интернат. [123] Небольшие резервации с несколькими сотнями человек обычно отправляли своих детей в близлежащие государственные школы. « Индийский новый курс » 1930-х годов закрыл многие школы- интернаты и преуменьшил значение ассимиляционистских целей. Индийское подразделение Гражданского корпуса охраны природы реализовало крупномасштабные строительные проекты в резервациях, построив тысячи новых школ и общественных зданий. Под руководством Джона Collier Бюро по делам индейцев (BIA) принес в прогрессивных педагогах , чтобы изменить индийское образование. BIA к 1938 году обучало 30 000 учеников в 377 школах-интернатах и дневных школах, или 40% всех индийских детей в школе. Навахо в основном против школьного обучения любого рода, но и другие племена приняли систему. Теперь в более крупных резервациях появились средние школы, в которых обучались не только подростки, но и взрослые. В Индии не было высших учебных заведений. [124] [125] Они перестали уделять внимание учебникам, повысили самооценку и начали преподавать индийскую историю . Они продвигали традиционные искусства и ремесла, которые можно было использовать в резервациях, например изготовление ювелирных изделий. Реформаторы Нового курса встретили значительное сопротивление со стороны родителей и учителей и дали неоднозначные результаты. Вторая мировая война позволила молодым индийцам познакомиться с широким обществом через военную службу и работу в военной промышленности. Роль школьного образования была изменена, чтобы сосредоточиться на профессиональном образовании для работы в городских районах Америки. [126]
С момента роста самоопределения коренных американцев, они, как правило, уделяли особое внимание обучению своих детей в школах, расположенных поблизости от места их проживания. Кроме того, многие признанные на федеральном уровне племена взяли на себя управление таких школ и добавили программы сохранения и возрождения языка для укрепления своей культуры. Начиная с 1970-х годов, племена также основали колледжи в своих резервациях, контролируемые коренными американцами и управляемые ими, чтобы обучать свою молодежь работе, а также передавать свою культуру.
20 век
29 августа 1911 года недалеко от Оровилля, Калифорния , был обнаружен Иши , который обычно считался последним коренным американцем, который большую часть своей жизни прожил без контакта с европейско-американской культурой . [127] [128] [129]
В 1919 году Соединенные Штаты при президенте Вудро Вильсоне предоставили гражданство всем коренным американцам, участвовавшим в Первой мировой войне. В армию вступили и служили около 10 000 человек, что является большим числом по сравнению с их населением. [130] Несмотря на это, во многих районах коренные американцы сталкивались с сопротивлением местного населения, когда пытались проголосовать, и подвергались дискриминации в связи с препятствиями при регистрации избирателей.
2 июня 1924 года президент США-республиканец Кэлвин Кулидж подписал Закон о гражданстве индейцев, согласно которому все коренные американцы, родившиеся в Соединенных Штатах и их территориях, стали гражданами США. До принятия закона почти две трети коренных американцев уже были гражданами США в результате брака, военной службы или получения земельных наделов. [131] [132] Закон распространил гражданство на «всех неграждан Индии, родившихся в пределах территориальных границ Соединенных Штатов». [130]
Республиканец Чарльз Кертис , конгрессмен и давний сенатор США от Канзаса, был выходцем из Кав, осейджей, Потаватоми и европейцев. После того, как он был представителем Соединенных Штатов и неоднократно переизбирался сенатором от штата Канзас, Кертис служил кнутом сенатского меньшинства в течение 10 лет и лидером большинства в сенате в течение пяти лет. Он был очень влиятельным в Сенате. В 1928 году он баллотировался в качестве кандидата в вице-президенты вместе с Гербертом Гувером на пост президента и служил с 1929 по 1933 год. Он был первым человеком со значительным индейским происхождением и первым человеком с признанным неевропейским происхождением, избранным в одну из самые высокие офисы в стране.
Американские индейцы сегодня в Соединенных Штатах имеют все права, гарантированные Конституцией США , могут голосовать на выборах и баллотироваться на политические посты. Споры остаются по поводу того, насколько федеральное правительство обладает юрисдикцией в отношении племенных дел, суверенитета и культурных обычаев. [133]
В середине века политика увольнения индейцев и Закон о переселении индейцев 1956 г. ознаменовали новое направление ассимиляции коренных американцев в городской жизни . [134]
Перепись насчитывала 332 000 индейцев в 1930 году и 334 000 в 1940 году, включая жителей резерваций в 48 штатах и за их пределами. Общие расходы на индейцев в конце 1920-х годов составляли в среднем 38 миллионов долларов в год, упали до минимума в 23 миллиона долларов в 1933 году и вернулись к 38 миллионам долларов в 1940 году. [135]
Вторая Мировая Война
Около 44 000 коренных американцев служили в вооруженных силах Соединенных Штатов во время Второй мировой войны : в то время это была треть всех трудоспособных индийских мужчин в возрасте от восемнадцати до пятидесяти лет. [136] Описанная как первый крупномасштабный исход коренных народов из резерваций после переселения в 19 веке, служба мужчин в вооруженных силах США в международном конфликте стала поворотным моментом в истории коренных американцев. Подавляющее большинство коренных американцев приветствовало возможность служить; у них был показатель добровольного зачисления, который был на 40% выше, чем призывников. [137]
Их сослуживцы часто высоко ценили их, отчасти потому, что легенда о стойком индейском воине стала частью американской исторической легенды. Белые военнослужащие иногда проявляли беззаботное уважение к товарищам из числа коренных американцев, называя их «вождями». Возникшее в результате увеличение контактов с миром за пределами системы бронирования внесло глубокие изменения в культуру коренных американцев. «Война, - сказал комиссар США по делам индейцев в 1945 году, - вызвала величайшие нарушения жизни коренных жителей с начала эры резерваций», сказавшись на привычках, взглядах и экономическом благополучии членов племени. [138] Наиболее значительным из этих изменений была возможность - в результате нехватки рабочей силы в военное время - найти хорошо оплачиваемую работу в городах, и многие люди переехали в городские районы, особенно на Западное побережье, в связи с ростом оборонной промышленности. .
Были и потери в результате войны. Например, во время Второй мировой войны в общей сложности участвовало 1200 человек пуэбло ; только около половины вернулись домой живыми. Кроме того, многие навахо служили в качестве говорящих по шифрованию для военных в Тихом океане. Код, который они создали, хотя и очень прост с криптологической точки зрения , никогда не был взломан японцами.
Самоопределение
Военная служба и проживание в городах способствовали росту активности американских индейцев, особенно после 1960-х годов и оккупации острова Алькатрас (1969–1971) студенческой группой индейцев из Сан-Франциско . В тот же период в Миннеаполисе было основано Движение американских индейцев (AIM) , и по всей стране были созданы отделения, в которых американские индейцы объединили духовную и политическую активность. Политические протесты привлекли внимание национальных СМИ и симпатии американской общественности.
В середине 1970-х годов конфликты между правительствами и коренными американцами иногда перерастали в насилие. Заметным событием конца 20-го века стал инцидент с Раненым Коленом в индейской резервации Пайн-Ридж . Расстроенные племенным правительством и неспособностью федерального правительства обеспечить соблюдение договорных прав, 27 февраля 1973 года около 300 активистов оглала-лакота и AIM взяли под свой контроль Вундед-Ни . [139]
Индийские активисты со всей страны присоединились к ним в Пайн-Ридж, и оккупация стала символом роста самобытности и могущества американских индейцев. Федеральные правоохранительные органы и национальная гвардия оцепили город, и противостояние между двумя сторонами длилось 71 день. Во время продолжительной перестрелки один маршал Соединенных Штатов был ранен и парализован. В конце апреля в результате обстрела были убиты чероки и местный лакота; старейшины лакота прекратили оккупацию, чтобы больше не погибло. [139]
В июне 1975 года два агента ФБР, пытавшиеся произвести арест с вооруженным ограблением в резервации Пайн-Ридж, были ранены в перестрелке и убиты с близкого расстояния. Активист AIM Леонард Пельтье был приговорен в 1976 году к двум последовательным срокам лишения свободы за смерть ФБР. [140]
В 1968 году правительство приняло Закон о гражданских правах Индии . Это давало членам племени большую часть защиты от злоупотреблений со стороны правительства племен, которую Билль о правах предоставляет всем гражданам США по отношению к федеральному правительству. [141] В 1975 году правительство США приняло Закон Индии о самоопределении и помощи в образовании , что стало кульминацией пятнадцатилетних изменений в политике. Это стало результатом активности американских индейцев, Движения за гражданские права и аспектов общественного развития социальных программ президента Линдона Джонсона 1960-х годов. Закон признал право и потребность коренных американцев в самоопределении. Это ознаменовало отказ правительства США от политики 1950-х годов о прекращении отношений между племенами и правительством. Правительство США поощряло усилия коренных американцев по самоуправлению и определению своего будущего. Племена создали организации, например, для управления своими собственными социальными, социальными и жилищными программами. Самоопределение племен создало напряженность в отношении исторического обязательства федерального правительства заботиться об индейцах; однако Бюро по делам индейцев никогда не выполняло эту ответственность. [142]
Племенные колледжи
Общественный колледж навахо, ныне именуемый Колледжем Дайне, первый колледж племен, был основан в Цайле, штат Аризона, в 1968 году и аккредитован в 1979 году. Сразу же возникли противоречия между двумя философскими принципами: одним из них: племенные колледжи должны иметь одинаковые критерии, учебные программы и процедуры для качество образования, как в обычных колледжах, другое состоит в том, что преподавательский состав и учебная программа должны быть тесно адаптированы к конкретной исторической культуре племени. Была большая текучесть кадров, усугубляемая очень ограниченными бюджетами. [143] В 1994 году Конгресс США принял закон, признающий племенные колледжи колледжами , предоставляющими землю , что предоставило возможности для крупномасштабного финансирования. Тридцать два племенных колледжа в Соединенных Штатах принадлежат Консорциуму высшего образования американских индейцев . К началу 21 века племенные народы также учредили многочисленные программы возрождения языка в своих школах.
Кроме того, активизм коренных американцев привел к тому, что крупные университеты по всей стране учредили программы и факультеты по изучению коренных американцев , повысив осведомленность о сильных сторонах индейских культур, предоставив возможности для ученых и углубив исследования истории и культуры в Соединенных Штатах. Коренные американцы вошли в академические круги; журналистика и СМИ; политика на местном уровне, уровне штата и федеральном уровне; и государственная служба, например, влияющая на медицинские исследования и политику для выявления проблем, связанных с американскими индейцами.
21-го века
В 2009 году «извинения перед коренными народами Соединенных Штатов» были включены в Закон об ассигнованиях на оборону. В нем говорилось, что США «приносят извинения от имени народа Соединенных Штатов всем коренным народам за многочисленные случаи насилия, жестокого обращения и пренебрежения, которым подвергались коренные народы со стороны граждан Соединенных Штатов». [144]
В 2013 году юрисдикция в отношении лиц, не являющихся членами племени в соответствии с Законом о насилии в отношении женщин, была распространена на индейскую страну. Это закрыло пробел, который предотвратил арест или преследование племенной полицией или судами оскорбительных партнеров членов племени, которые не были местными или принадлежали к другому племени. [145] [146]
Миграция в городские районы продолжала расти: 70% коренных американцев проживали в городских районах в 2012 году по сравнению с 45% в 1970 году и 8% в 1940 году. К городским районам со значительным населением коренных американцев относятся Феникс, Талса, Миннеаполис, Денвер, Альбукерке, Тусон, Чикаго, Оклахома-Сити, Хьюстон, Нью-Йорк, Лос-Анджелес и Рапид-Сити. Многие живут в бедности. Расизм, безработица, наркотики и банды были обычными проблемами, которые индийские организации социальных услуг, такие как жилой комплекс Little Earth в Миннеаполисе, пытаются решить. [147] Были также предприняты массовые усилия по поддержке городского коренного населения, как в случае с организацией « Объединяя круг» в Лос-Анджелесе.
Демография
Перепись 2010 года показала, что население США на 1 апреля 2010 года составляло 308,7 миллиона человек. [148] Из всего населения США 2,9 миллиона человек, или 0,9 процента, указали только американских индейцев или коренных жителей Аляски. Кроме того, 2,3 миллиона человек или 0,7 процента сообщили об американских индейцах или коренных жителей Аляски в сочетании с одной или несколькими другими расами. Вместе эти две группы составили 5,2 миллиона человек. Таким образом, 1,7 процента всех людей в Соединенных Штатах идентифицированы как американские индейцы или коренные жители Аляски, либо по отдельности, либо в сочетании с одной или несколькими другими расами. [148]
Определение американских индейцев или коренных жителей Аляски, использованное в переписи 2010 года:
Согласно Управлению управления и бюджета, «американские индейцы или коренные жители Аляски» относятся к лицам, происходящим из любого из коренных народов Северной и Южной Америки (включая Центральную Америку) и сохраняющих племенную или общественную принадлежность. [148]
Перепись 2010 года позволила респондентам идентифицировать себя как принадлежащих к одной или нескольким расам. Самоидентификация датируется переписью 1960 года; до этого раса респондента определялась мнением счетчика. Возможность выбора более чем одной расы была введена в 2000 году. [149] Если были выбраны американские индейцы или коренные жители Аляски, форма запрашивала у человека название «зарегистрированного или основного племени».
Население с 1890 г.
Перепись насчитывала 248 000 коренных американцев в 1890 году, 332 000 в 1930 году и 334 000 в 1940 году, включая тех, кто проживал в резервациях и за их пределами в 48 штатах. Общие расходы на коренных американцев составляли в среднем 38 миллионов долларов в год в конце 1920-х годов, упав до минимума в 23 миллиона долларов в 1933 году и вернувшись к 38 миллионам долларов в 1940 году. [135]
Штат / территория | 1890 г. | 1900 г. | 1910 г. | 1920 г. | 1930 г. | 1940 г. | 1950 | 1960 г. | 1970 г. | 1980 г. | 1990 г. | 2000 [151] | 2010 [152] |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Соединенные Штаты | 0,4% | 0,3% | 0.3% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.8% | 0.9% | 0.9% |
Alabama | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.6% |
Alaska | 16.0% | 15.6% | 15.6% | 14.8% | |||||||||
Arizona | 34.0% | 21.5% | 14.3% | 9.9% | 10.0% | 11.0% | 8.8% | 6.4% | 5.4% | 5.6% | 5.6% | 5.0% | 4.6% |
Arkansas | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.7% | 0.8% |
California | 1.4% | 1.0% | 0.7% | 0.5% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.5% | 0.9% | 0.8% | 1.0% | 1.0% |
Colorado | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.2% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.8% | 1.0% | 1.1% |
Connecticut | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% |
Delaware | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.5% |
District of Columbia | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% |
Florida | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.4% |
Georgia | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% |
Hawaii | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.3% | 0.5% | 0.3% | 0.3% | |||||||
Idaho | 4.8% | 2.6% | 1.1% | 0.7% | 0.8% | 0.7% | 0.6% | 0.8% | 0.9% | 1.1% | 1.4% | 1.4% | 1.4% |
Illinois | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% |
Indiana | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% |
Iowa | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.4% |
Kansas | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.4% | 0.7% | 0.9% | 0.9% | 1.0% |
Kentucky | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.2% |
Louisiana | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.7% |
Maine | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.6% | 0.6% |
Maryland | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.4% |
Massachusetts | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% |
Michigan | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.2% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.6% | 0.6% |
Minnesota | 0.8% | 0.5% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.6% | 0.9% | 1.1% | 1.1% | 1.1% |
Mississippi | 0.2% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.5% |
Missouri | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.5% |
Montana | 7.8% | 4.7% | 0.8% | 2.0% | 2.8% | 3.0% | 2.8% | 3.1% | 3.9% | 4.7% | 6.0% | 6.2% | 6.3% |
Nebraska | 0.6% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.8% | 0.9% | 1.2% |
Nevada | 10.9% | 12.3% | 6.4% | 6.3% | 5.3% | 4.3% | 3.1% | 2.3% | 1.6% | 1.7% | 1.6% | 1.3% | 1.2% |
New Hampshire | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.2% |
New Jersey | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% |
New Mexico | 9.4% | 6.7% | 6.3% | 5.4% | 6.8% | 6.5% | 6.2% | 5.9% | 7.2% | 8.1% | 8.9% | 9.5% | 9.4% |
New York | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.6% |
North Carolina | 0.1% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.5% | 0.6% | 0.1% | 0.8% | 0.9% | 1.1% | 1.2% | 1.2% | 1.3% |
North Dakota | 4.3% | 2.2% | 1.1% | 1.0% | 1.2% | 1.6% | 1.7% | 1.9% | 2.3% | 3.1% | 4.1% | 4.9% | 5.4% |
Ohio | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.2% |
Oklahoma | 24.9% | 8.2% | 4.5% | 2.8% | 3.9% | 2.7% | 2.4% | 2.8% | 3.8% | 5.6% | 8.0% | 7.9% | 8.6% |
Oregon | 1.6% | 1.2% | 0.8% | 0.6% | 0.5% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.6% | 1.0% | 1.4% | 1.3% | 1.4% |
Pennsylvania | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% |
Rhode Island | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.5% | 0.6% |
South Carolina | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% | ||
South Dakota | 5.7% | 5.0% | 3.3% | 2.6% | 3.2% | 3.6% | 3.6% | 3.8% | 4.9% | 6.5% | 7.3% | 8.3% | 8.8% |
Tennessee | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.3% |
Texas | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.7% |
Utah | 1.6% | 0.9% | 0.8% | 0.6% | 0.6% | 0.7% | 0.6% | 0.8% | 1.1% | 1.3% | 1.4% | 1.3% | 1.2% |
Vermont | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% | 0.4% |
Virginia | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% | 0.3% | 0.4% |
Washington | 3.1% | 1.9% | 1.0% | 0.7% | 0.7% | 0.7% | 0.6% | 0.7% | 1.0% | 1.5% | 1.7% | 1.6% | 1.5% |
West Virginia | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.1% | 0.1% | 0.2% | 0.2% |
Wisconsin | 0.6% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.4% | 0.6% | 0.8% | 0.9% | 1.0% |
Wyoming | 2.9% | 1.8% | 1.0% | 0.7% | 0.8% | 0.9% | 1.1% | 1.2% | 1.5% | 1.5% | 2.1% | 2.3% | 2.4% |
Puerto Rico | 0.4% | 0.5% |
Population distribution
78% of Native Americans live outside a reservation. Full-blood individuals are more likely to live on a reservation than mixed-blood individuals. The Navajo, with 286,000 full-blood individuals, is the largest tribe if only full-blood individuals are counted; the Navajo are the tribe with the highest proportion of full-blood individuals, 86.3%. The Cherokee have a different history; it is the largest tribe with 819,000 individuals, and it has 284,000 full-blood individuals.[153]
Urban migration
As of 2012, 70% of Native Americans live in urban areas, up from 45% in 1970 and 8% in 1940. Urban areas with significant Native American populations include Minneapolis, Denver, Phoenix, Tucson, Chicago, Oklahoma City, Houston, New York City, and Los Angeles. Many live in poverty. Racism, unemployment, drugs and gangs are common problems which Indian social service organizations such as the Little Earth housing complex in Minneapolis attempt to address.[147]
Distribution by U.S. state
According to 2003 United States Census Bureau estimates, a little over one-third of the 2,786,652 Native Americans in the United States live in three states: California (413,382), Arizona (294,137) and Oklahoma (279,559).[154]
In 2010, the U.S. Census Bureau estimated that about 0.8% of the U.S. population was of American Indian or Alaska Native descent. This population is unevenly distributed across the country.[155] Below, all fifty states, as well as the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, are listed by the proportion of residents citing American Indian or Alaska Native ancestry, based on the 2010 U.S. Census.[156]
State | Pop. (2010) | % pop (2010) |
---|---|---|
Alabama | 28,218 | 0.6% |
Alaska | 104,871 | 14.8% |
Arizona | 296,529 | 4.6% |
Arkansas | 22,248 | 0.8% |
California | 362,801 | 1.0% |
Colorado | 56,010 | 1.1% |
Connecticut | 11,256 | 0.3% |
Delaware | 4,181 | 0.5% |
District of Columbia | 2,079 | 0.3% |
Florida | 71,458 | 0.4% |
Georgia | 32,151 | 0.3% |
Hawaii | 4,164 | 0.3% |
Idaho | 21,441 | 1.4% |
Illinois | 43,963 | 0.3% |
Indiana | 18,462 | 0.3% |
Iowa | 11,084 | 0.4% |
Kansas | 28,150 | 1.0% |
Kentucky | 10,120 | 0.2% |
Louisiana | 30,579 | 0.7% |
Maine | 8,568 | 0.6% |
Maryland | 20,420 | 0.4% |
Massachusetts | 18,850 | 0.3% |
Michigan | 62,007 | 0.6% |
Minnesota | 60,916 | 1.1% |
Mississippi | 15,030 | 0.5% |
Missouri | 27,376 | 0.5% |
Montana | 62,555 | 6.3% |
Nebraska | 18,427 | 1.2% |
Nevada | 32,062 | 1.2% |
New Hampshire | 3,150 | 0.2% |
New Jersey | 29,026 | 0.3% |
New Mexico | 193,222 | 9.4% |
New York | 106,906 | 0.6% |
North Carolina | 122,110 | 1.3% |
North Dakota | 36,591 | 5.4% |
Ohio | 25,292 | 0.2% |
Oklahoma | 321,687 | 8.6% |
Oregon | 53,203 | 1.4% |
Pennsylvania | 26,843 | 0.2% |
Rhode Island | 6,058 | 0.6% |
South Carolina | 19,524 | 0.4% |
South Dakota | 71,817 | 8.8% |
Tennessee | 19,994 | 0.3% |
Texas | 170,972 | 0.7% |
Utah | 32,927 | 1.2% |
Vermont | 2,207 | 0.4% |
Virginia | 29,225 | 0.4% |
Washington | 103,869 | 1.5% |
West Virginia | 3,787 | 0.2% |
Wisconsin | 54,526 | 1.0% |
Wyoming | 13,336 | 2.4% |
Totals | 2,932,248 | 0.8% |
Population by tribal grouping
Below are numbers for U.S. citizens self-identifying to selected tribal groupings, according to the 2010 U.S. census.[157]
Tribal grouping | Tribal flag | Tribal seal | American Indian & Alaska Native Alone one tribal grouping reported | American Indian & Alaska Native Alone more than one tribal grouping reported | American Indian & Alaska Native Mixed one tribal grouping reported | American Indian & Alaska Native Mixed more than one tribal grouping reported | American Indian & Alaska Native tribal grouping alone or mixed in any combination |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Total | 2,879,638 | 52,610 | 2,209,267 | 79,064 | 5,220,579 | ||
Apache | 63,193 | 6,501 | 33,303 | 8,813 | 111,810 | ||
Arapaho | 8,014 | 388 | 2,084 | 375 | 10,861 | ||
Blackfeet | 27,279 | 4,519 | 54,109 | 19,397 | 105,304 | ||
Canadian & French American Indian | 6,433 | 618 | 6,981 | 790 | 14,822 | ||
Central American Indian | 15,882 | 572 | 10,865 | 525 | 27,844 | ||
Cherokee | 284,247 | 16,216 | 468,082 | 50,560 | 819,105 | ||
Cheyenne | 11,375 | 1,118 | 5,311 | 1,247 | 19,051 | ||
Chickasaw | 27,973 | 2,233 | 19,220 | 2,852 | 52,278 | ||
Chippewa | 112,757 | 2,645 | 52,091 | 3,249 | 170,742 | ||
Choctaw | 103,910 | 6,398 | 72,101 | 13,355 | 195,764 | ||
Colville | 8,114 | 200 | 2,148 | 87 | 10,549 | ||
Comanche | 12,284 | 1,187 | 8,131 | 1,728 | 23,330 | ||
Cree | 2,211 | 739 | 4,023 | 1,010 | 7,983 | ||
Creek | 48,352 | 4,596 | 30,618 | 4,766 | 88,332 | ||
Crow | 10,332 | 528 | 3,309 | 1,034 | 15,203 | ||
Delaware (Lenape) | 7,843 | 372 | 9,439 | 610 | 18,264 | ||
Hopi | 12,580 | 2,054 | 3,013 | 680 | 18,327 | ||
Houma | 8,169 | 71 | 2,438 | 90 | 10,768 | ||
Iroquois | 40,570 | 1,891 | 34,490 | 4,051 | 81,002 | ||
Kiowa | 9,437 | 918 | 2,947 | 485 | 13,787 | ||
Lumbee | 62,306 | 651 | 10,039 | 695 | 73,691 | ||
Menominee | 8,374 | 253 | 2,330 | 176 | 11,133 | ||
Mexican American Indian | 121,221 | 2,329 | 49,670 | 2,274 | 175,494 | ||
Navajo | 286,731 | 8,285 | 32,918 | 4,195 | 332,129 | ||
Osage | 8,938 | 1,125 | 7,090 | 1,423 | 18,576 | ||
Ottawa | 7,272 | 776 | 4,274 | 711 | 13,033 | ||
Paiute[158] | 9,340 | 865 | 3,135 | 427 | 13,767 | ||
Pima | 22,040 | 1,165 | 3,116 | 334 | 26,655 | ||
Potawatomi | 20,412 | 462 | 12,249 | 648 | 33,771 | ||
Pueblo | 49,695 | 2,331 | 9,568 | 946 | 62,540 | ||
Puget Sound Salish | 14,320 | 215 | 5,540 | 185 | 20,260 | ||
Seminole | 14,080 | 2,368 | 12,447 | 3,076 | 31,971 | ||
Shoshone | 7,852 | 610 | 3,969 | 571 | 13,002 | ||
Sioux | 112,176 | 4,301 | 46,964 | 6,669 | 170,110 | ||
South American Indian | 20,901 | 479 | 25,015 | 838 | 47,233 | ||
Spanish American Indian | 13,460 | 298 | 6,012 | 181 | 19,951 | ||
Tohono O'odham | 19,522 | 725 | 3,033 | 198 | 23,478 | ||
Ute | 7,435 | 785 | 2,802 | 469 | 11,491 | ||
Yakama | 8,786 | 310 | 2,207 | 224 | 11,527 | ||
Yaqui | 21,679 | 1,516 | 8,183 | 1,217 | 32,595 | ||
Yuman | 7,727 | 551 | 1,642 | 169 | 10,089 | ||
All other American Indian tribes | 270,141 | 12,606 | 135,032 | 11,850 | 429,629 | ||
American Indian tribes, not specified | 131,943 | 117 | 102,188 | 72 | 234,320 | ||
Alaska Native tribes, specified | 98,892 | 4,194 | 32,992 | 2,772 | 138,850 | ||
Alaskan Athabaskans | 15,623 | 804 | 5,531 | 526 | 22,484 | ||
Aleut | 11,920 | 723 | 6,108 | 531 | 19,282 | ||
Inupiat | 24,859 | 877 | 7,051 | 573 | 33,360 | ||
Tlingit-Haida | 15,256 | 859 | 9,331 | 634 | 26,080 | ||
Tsimshian | 2,307 | 240 | 1,010 | 198 | 3,755 | ||
Yup'ik | 28,927 | 691 | 3,961 | 310 | 33,889 | ||
Alaska Native tribes, not specified | 19,731 | 173 | 9,896 | 133 | 29,933 | ||
American Indian or Alaska Native tribes, not specified | 693,709 | no data | 852,253 | 1 | 1,545,963 |
Племенной суверенитет
There are 573 federally recognized tribal governments[159] and 326 Indian reservations [160] in the United States. These tribes possess the right to form their own governments, to enforce laws (both civil and criminal) within their lands, to tax, to establish requirements for membership, to license and regulate activities, to zone, and to exclude persons from tribal territories. Limitations on tribal powers of self-government include the same limitations applicable to states; for example, neither tribes nor states have the power to make war, engage in foreign relations, or coin money (this includes paper currency).[161] In addition, there are a number of tribes that are recognized by individual states, but not by the federal government. The rights and benefits associated with state recognition vary from state to state.
Many Native Americans and advocates of Native American rights point out that the U.S. federal government's claim to recognize the "sovereignty" of Native American peoples falls short, given that the United States wishes to govern Native American peoples and treat them as subject to U.S. law.[162] Such advocates contend that full respect for Native American sovereignty would require the U.S. government to deal with Native American peoples in the same manner as any other sovereign nation, handling matters related to relations with Native Americans through the Secretary of State, rather than the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The Bureau of Indian Affairs reports on its website that its "responsibility is the administration and management of 55,700,000 acres (225,000 km2) of land held in trust by the United States for American Indians, Indian tribes, and Alaska Natives".[163] Many Native Americans and advocates of Native American rights believe that it is condescending for such lands to be considered "held in trust" and regulated in any fashion by other than their own tribes, whether the U.S. or Canadian governments, or any other non-Native American authority.
Some tribal groups have been unable to document the cultural continuity required for federal recognition. To achieve federal recognition and its benefits, tribes must prove continuous existence since 1900. The federal government has maintained this requirement, in part because through participation on councils and committees, federally recognized tribes have been adamant about groups' satisfying the same requirements as they did.[164] The Muwekma Ohlone of the San Francisco Bay Area are pursuing litigation in the federal court system to establish recognition.[165] Many of the smaller eastern tribes, long considered remnants of extinct peoples, have been trying to gain official recognition of their tribal status. Several tribes in Virginia and North Carolina have gained state recognition. Federal recognition confers some benefits, including the right to label arts and crafts as Native American and permission to apply for grants that are specifically reserved for Native Americans. But gaining federal recognition as a tribe is extremely difficult; to be established as a tribal group, members have to submit extensive genealogical proof of tribal descent and continuity of the tribe as a culture.
In July 2000, the Washington State Republican Party adopted a resolution recommending that the federal and legislative branches of the U.S. government terminate tribal governments.[166] In 2007, a group of Democratic Party congressmen and congresswomen introduced a bill in the U.S. House of Representatives to "terminate" the Cherokee Nation.[167] This was related to their voting to exclude Cherokee Freedmen as members of the tribe unless they had a Cherokee ancestor on the Dawes Rolls, although all Cherokee Freedmen and their descendants had been members since 1866.
As of 2004, various Native Americans are wary of attempts by others to gain control of their reservation lands for natural resources, such as coal and uranium in the West.[168][169]
In the state of Virginia, Native Americans face a unique problem. Until 2017 Virginia previously had no federally recognized tribes but the state had recognized eight. This is related historically to the greater impact of disease and warfare on the Virginia Indian populations, as well as their intermarriage with Europeans and Africans. Some people confused ancestry with culture, but groups of Virginia Indians maintained their cultural continuity. Most of their early reservations were ended under the pressure of early European settlement.
Some historians also note the problems of Virginia Indians in establishing documented continuity of identity, due to the work of Walter Ashby Plecker (1912–1946). As registrar of the state's Bureau of Vital Statistics, he applied his own interpretation of the one-drop rule, enacted in law in 1924 as the state's Racial Integrity Act. It recognized only two races: "white" and "colored".
Plecker, a segregationist, believed that the state's Native Americans had been "mongrelized" by intermarriage with African Americans; to him, ancestry determined identity, rather than culture. He thought that some people of partial black ancestry were trying to "pass" as Native Americans. Plecker thought that anyone with any African heritage had to be classified as colored, regardless of appearance, amount of European or Native American ancestry, and cultural/community identification. Plecker pressured local governments into reclassifying all Native Americans in the state as "colored" and gave them lists of family surnames to examine for reclassification based on his interpretation of data and the law. This led to the state's destruction of accurate records related to families and communities who identified as Native American (as in church records and daily life). By his actions, sometimes different members of the same family were split by being classified as "white" or "colored". He did not allow people to enter their primary identification as Native American in state records.[164] In 2009, the Senate Indian Affairs Committee endorsed a bill that would grant federal recognition to tribes in Virginia.[170]
As of 2000[update], the largest groups in the United States by population were Navajo, Cherokee, Choctaw, Sioux, Chippewa, Apache, Blackfeet, Iroquois, and Pueblo. In 2000, eight of ten Americans with Native American ancestry were of mixed ancestry. It is estimated that by 2100 that figure will rise to nine out of ten.[171]
Движение за гражданские права
The civil rights movement was a very significant moment for the rights of Native Americans and other people of color. Native Americans faced racism and prejudice for hundreds of years, and this increased after the American Civil War. Native Americans, like African Americans, were subjected to the Jim Crow Laws and segregation in the Deep South especially after they were made citizens through the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924. As a body of law, Jim Crow institutionalized economic, educational, and social disadvantages for Native Americans, and other people of color living in the south.[172][173][174] Native American identity was especially targeted by a system that only wanted to recognize white or colored, and the government began to question the legitimacy of some tribes because they had intermarried with African Americans.[172][173] Native Americans were also discriminated and discouraged from voting in the southern and western states.[174]
In the south segregation was a major problem for Native Americans seeking education, but the NAACP's legal strategy would later change this.[175] Movements such as Brown v. Board of Education was a major victory for the Civil Rights Movement headed by the NAACP, and inspired Native Americans to start participating in the Civil Rights Movement.[176][177] Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. began assisting Native Americans in the south in the late 1950s after they reached out to him.[177] At that time the remaining Creek in Alabama were trying to completely desegregate schools in their area. In this case, light-complexioned Native children were allowed to ride school buses to previously all white schools, while dark-skinned Native children from the same band were barred from riding the same buses.[177] Tribal leaders, upon hearing of King's desegregation campaign in Birmingham, Alabama, contacted him for assistance. He promptly responded and, through his intervention, the problem was quickly resolved.[177] Dr. King would later make trips to Arizona visiting Native Americans on reservations, and in churches encouraging them to be involved in the Civil Rights Movement.[178] In King's book "Why We Can't Wait" he writes:
Our nation was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrine that the original American, the Indian, was an inferior race. Even before there were large numbers of Negroes on our shores, the scar of racial hatred had already disfigured colonial society. From the sixteenth century forward, blood flowed in battles over racial supremacy. We are perhaps the only nation which tried as a matter of national policy to wipe out its indigenous population. Moreover, we elevated that tragic experience into a noble crusade. Indeed, even today we have not permitted ourselves to reject or to feel remorse for this shameful episode. Our literature, our films, our drama, our folklore all exalt it.[179]
Native Americans would then actively participate and support the NAACP, and the civil rights movement.[180] The National Indian Youth Council (NIYC) would soon rise in 1961 to fight for Native American rights during the Civil Rights Movement, and were strong supporters of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.[181][182] During the 1963 March on Washington there was a sizable Native American contingent, including many from South Dakota, and many from the Navajo nation.[177][183] Native Americans also participated the Poor People's Campaign in 1968.[181] The NIYC were very active supporters of the Poor People's Campaign unlike the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI); the NIYC and other Native organizations met with King in March 1968 but the NCAI disagreed on how to approach the anti-poverty campaign; the NCAI decided against participating in the march.[182] The NCAI wished to pursue their battles in the courts and with Congress, unlike the NIYC.[181][182] The NAACP also inspired the creation of the Native American Rights Fund (NARF) which was patterned after the NAACP's Legal Defense and Education Fund.[177] Furthermore, the NAACP continued to organize to stop mass incarceration and end the criminalization of Native Americans and other communities of people of color.[184] The following is an excerpt from a statement from Mel Thom on May 1, 1968, during a meeting with Secretary of State Dean Rusk:[182] (It was written by members of the Workshop on American Indian Affairs and the NIYC)
We have joined the Poor People's Campaign because most of our families, tribes, and communities number among those suffering most in this country. We are not begging. We are demanding what is rightfully ours. This is no more than the right to have a decent life in our own communities. We need guaranteed jobs, guaranteed income, housing, schools, economic development, but most important- we want them on our own terms. Our chief spokesman in the federal government, the Department of Interior, has failed us. In fact it began failing us from its very beginning. The Interior Department began failing us because it was built upon and operates under a racist, immoral, paternalistic and colonialistic system. There is no way to improve upon racism, immorality and colonialism; it can only be done away with. The system and power structure serving Indian peoples is a sickness which has grown to epidemic proportions. The Indian system is sick. Paternalism is the virus and the secretary of the Interior is the carrier.
Современные проблемы
Native American struggles amid poverty to maintain life on the reservation or in larger society have resulted in a variety of health issues, some related to nutrition and health practices. The community suffers a vulnerability to and disproportionately high rate of alcoholism.[185]
It has long been recognized that Native Americans are dying of diabetes, alcoholism, tuberculosis, suicide, and other health conditions at shocking rates. Beyond disturbingly high mortality rates, Native Americans also suffer a significantly lower health status and disproportionate rates of disease compared with all other Americans.
— U.S. Commission on Civil Rights[186] (September 2004)
Recent studies also point to rising rates of stroke,[187] heart disease,[188] and diabetes[189] in the Native American population.
Societal discrimination and racism
In a study conducted in 2006–2007, non-Native Americans admitted they rarely encountered Native Americans in their daily lives. While sympathetic toward Native Americans and expressing regret over the past, most people had only a vague understanding of the problems facing Native Americans today. For their part, Native Americans told researchers that they believed they continued to face prejudice, mistreatment, and inequality in the broader society.[190]
Affirmative action issues
Federal contractors and subcontractors, such as businesses and educational institutions, are legally required to adopt equal opportunity employment and affirmative action measures intended to prevent discrimination against employees or applicants for employment on the basis of "color, religion, sex, or national origin".[191][192] For this purpose, a Native American is defined as "A person having origins in any of the original peoples of North and South America (including Central America), and who maintains a tribal affiliation or community attachment". The passing of the Indian Relocation Act saw a 56% increase in Native American city dwellers over 40 years.[193] The Native American urban poverty rate exceeds that of reservation poverty rates due to discrimination in hiring processes.[193] However, self-reporting is permitted: "Educational institutions and other recipients should allow students and staff to self-identify their race and ethnicity unless self-identification is not practicable or feasible."[194]
Self-reporting opens the door to "box checking" by people who, despite not having a substantial relationship to Native American culture, innocently or fraudulently check the box for Native American.[195]
The difficulties that Native Americans face in the workforce, for example, a lack of promotions and wrongful terminations are attributed to racial stereotypes and implicit biases. Native American business owners are seldom offered auxiliary resources that are crucial for entrepreneurial success.[193]
Native American mascots in sports
American Indian activists in the United States and Canada have criticized the use of Native American mascots in sports, as perpetuating stereotypes. This is considered cultural appropriation. There has been a steady decline in the number of secondary school and college teams using such names, images, and mascots. Some tribal team names have been approved by the tribe in question, such as the Seminole Tribe of Florida's approving use of their name for the teams of Florida State University.[196][197]
Among professional teams, the NBA's Golden State Warriors discontinued use of Native American-themed logos in 1971. The NFL's Washington Redskins, whose name was considered to be a racial slur,[198] has recently been removed. They are currently now known as the Washington Football Team. MLB's Cleveland Indians, whose usage of a caricature called Chief Wahoo has also faced protest.[199][200] Starting in 2019, Chief Wahoo ceased to be a logo for Cleveland Indians, though Chief Wahoo merchandise could still be sold in the Cleveland-area.[201][202][203][204]
On December 13, 2020 The New York Times reported that Cleveland would be officially changing their name, set to take affect likely following the 2021 season.[205]
Historical depictions in art
Native Americans have been depicted by American artists in various ways at different periods. A number of 19th- and 20th-century United States and Canadian painters, often motivated by a desire to document and preserve Native culture, specialized in Native American subjects. Among the most prominent of these were Elbridge Ayer Burbank, George Catlin, Seth Eastman, Paul Kane, W. Langdon Kihn, Charles Bird King, Joseph Henry Sharp, and John Mix Stanley.
In the 20th century, early portrayals of Native Americans in movies and television roles were first performed by European Americans dressed in mock traditional attire. Examples included The Last of the Mohicans (1920), Hawkeye and the Last of the Mohicans (1957), and F Troop (1965–67). In later decades, Native American actors such as Jay Silverheels in The Lone Ranger television series (1949–57) came to prominence. The roles of Native Americans were limited and not reflective of Native American culture. By the 1970s some Native American film roles began to show more complexity, such as those in Little Big Man (1970), Billy Jack (1971), and The Outlaw Josey Wales (1976), which depicted Native Americans in minor supporting roles.
For years, Native people on U.S. television were relegated to secondary, subordinate roles. During the years of the series Bonanza (1959–1973), no major or secondary Native characters appeared on a consistent basis. The series The Lone Ranger (1949–1957), Cheyenne (1955–1963), and Law of the Plainsman (1959–1963) had Native characters who were essentially aides to the central white characters. This continued in such series as How the West Was Won. These programs resembled the "sympathetic" yet contradictory film Dances With Wolves of 1990, in which, according to Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, the narrative choice was to relate the Lakota story as told through a Euro-American voice, for wider impact among a general audience.[206] Like the 1992 remake of The Last of the Mohicans and Geronimo: An American Legend (1993), Dances with Wolves employed a number of Native American actors, and made an effort to portray Indigenous languages. In 1996, Plains Cree actor Michael Greyeyes would play renowned Native American warrior Crazy Horse in the 1996 television film Crazy Horse,[207] and would also later play renowned Sioux chief Sitting Bull in the 2017 movie Woman Walks Ahead.[208]
The 1998 film Smoke Signals, which was set on the Coeur D'Alene Reservation and discussed hardships of present-day American Indian families living on reservations, featured numerous Native American actors as well.[209] The film was also the first feature film to be produced and directed by Native Americans, and also the first feature to include an exclusive Native American cast.[209] At the annual Sundance Film Festival, Smoke Signals would win the Audience Award and it's producer Chris Eyre, an enrolled member of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes of Oklahoma, would win the Filmmaker's Trophy.[210] In 2009, We Shall Remain (2009), a television documentary by Ric Burns and part of the American Experience series, presented a five-episode series "from a Native American perspective". It represented "an unprecedented collaboration between Native and non-Native filmmakers and involves Native advisors and scholars at all levels of the project".[211] The five episodes explore the impact of King Philip's War on the northeastern tribes, the "Native American confederacy" of Tecumseh's War, the U.S.-forced relocation of Southeastern tribes known as the Trail of Tears, the pursuit and capture of Geronimo and the Apache Wars, and concludes with the Wounded Knee incident, participation by the American Indian Movement, and the increasing resurgence of modern Native cultures since.
Terminology differences
Common usage in the United States
The term Native American was introduced in the United States in preference to the older term Indian to distinguish the indigenous peoples of the Americas from the people of India.
During World War II, the draft board classified American Indians from Virginia as Negroes.[212][213]
In 1995, a plurality of indigenous Americans, however, preferred the term American Indian[214] and many tribes include the word Indian in their formal title.
Criticism of the neologism Native American comes from diverse sources. Russell Means, an Oglala Lakota activist, opposed the term Native American because he believed it was imposed by the government without the consent of Native people. He has also argued that the use of the word Indian derives not from a confusion with India but from a Spanish expression en Dios meaning "in God"[215][verification needed] (and a near-homophone of the Spanish word for "Indians", indios).
A 1995 U.S. Census Bureau survey found that more Native Americans in the United States preferred American Indian to Native American.[214] Most American Indians are comfortable with Indian, American Indian, and Native American.[216] That term is reflected in the name chosen for the National Museum of the American Indian, which opened in 2004 on the Mall in Washington, DC.
Gambling industry
Gambling has become a leading industry. Casinos operated by many Native American governments in the United States are creating a stream of gambling revenue that some communities are beginning to leverage to build diversified economies.[217][clarification needed] Although many Native American tribes have casinos, the impact of Native American gaming is widely debated. Some tribes, such as the Winnemem Wintu of Redding, California, feel that casinos and their proceeds destroy culture from the inside out. These tribes refuse to participate in the gambling industry.
Financial services
Numerous tribes around the country have entered the financial services market including the Otoe-Missouria, Tunica-Biloxi, and the Rosebud Sioux. Because of the challenges involved in starting a financial services business from scratch, many tribes hire outside consultants and vendors to help them launch these businesses and manage the regulatory issues involved. Similar to the tribal sovereignty debates that occurred when tribes first entered the gaming industry, the tribes, states, and federal government are currently in disagreement regarding who possesses the authority to regulate these e-commerce business entities.[218]
Crime on reservations
Prosecution of serious crime, historically endemic on reservations,[219][220] was required by the 1885 Major Crimes Act,[221] 18 U.S.C. §§1153, 3242, and court decisions to be investigated by the federal government, usually the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and prosecuted by United States Attorneys of the United States federal judicial district in which the reservation lies.[222][223][224][225][226]
A December 13, 2009 New York Times article about growing gang violence on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation estimated that there were 39 gangs with 5,000 members on that reservation alone.[227] Navajo country recently reported 225 gangs in its territory.[228]
As of 2012, a high incidence of rape continued to impact Native American women and Alaskan native women. According to the Department of Justice, 1 in 3 Native women have suffered rape or attempted rape, more than twice the national rate.[229] About 46 percent of Native American women have been raped, beaten, or stalked by an intimate partner, according to a 2010 study by the Centers for Disease Control.[230] According to Professor N. Bruce Duthu, "More than 80 percent of Indian victims identify their attacker as non-Indian".[231][232]
Barriers to economic development
Today, other than tribes successfully running casinos, many tribes struggle, as they are often located on reservations isolated from the main economic centers of the country. The estimated 2.1 million Native Americans are the most impoverished of all ethnic groups. According to the 2000 Census, an estimated 400,000 Native Americans reside on reservation land. While some tribes have had success with gaming, only 40% of the 562 federally recognized tribes operate casinos.[233] According to a 2007 survey by the U.S. Small Business Administration, only 1% of Native Americans own and operate a business.[234]
The barriers to economic development on Native American reservations have been identified by Joseph Kalt[235] and Stephen Cornell[236] of the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development at Harvard University, in their report: What Can Tribes Do? Strategies and Institutions in American Indian Economic Development (2008),[237] are summarized as follows:
- Lack of access to capital
- Lack of human capital (education, skills, technical expertise) and the means to develop it
- Reservations lack effective planning
- Reservations are poor in natural resources
- Reservations have natural resources but lack sufficient control over them
- Reservations are disadvantaged by their distance from markets and the high costs of transportation
- Tribes cannot persuade investors to locate on reservations because of intense competition from non-Native American communities
- The Bureau of Indian Affairs is inept, corrupt or uninterested in reservation development
- Tribal politicians and bureaucrats are inept or corrupt
- On-reservation factionalism destroys stability in tribal decisions
- The instability of tribal government keeps outsiders from investing. The lack of international recognition Native American tribal sovereignty weakens their political-economic legitimacy.[238] (Many tribes adopted constitutions by the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act model, with two-year terms for elected positions of chief and council members deemed too short by the authors for getting things done)
- Entrepreneurial skills and experience are scarce
A major barrier to development is the lack of entrepreneurial knowledge and experience within Indian reservations. "A general lack of education and experience about business is a significant challenge to prospective entrepreneurs", was the report on Native American entrepreneurship by the Northwest Area Foundation in 2004. "Native American communities that lack entrepreneurial traditions and recent experiences typically do not provide the support that entrepreneurs need to thrive. Consequently, experiential entrepreneurship education needs to be embedded into school curriculum and after-school and other community activities. This would allow students to learn the essential elements of entrepreneurship from a young age and encourage them to apply these elements throughout life".[239] Rez Biz magazine addresses these issues.
Discourse in Native American economic development
Some scholars argue that the existing theories and practices of economic development are not suitable for Native American communities—given the lifestyle, economic, and cultural differences, as well as the unique history of Native American-U.S. relations.[238] Little economic development research has been conducted on Native American communities. The federal government fails to consider place-based issues of American Indian poverty by generalizing the demographic.[238][240] In addition, the concept of economic development threatens to upend the multidimensionality of Native American culture.[238] The dominance of federal government involvement in indigenous developmental activities perpetuates and exacerbates the salvage paradigm.[238]
Landownership challenges
Native land owned by individual Native Americans sometimes cannot be developed because of fractionalization. Fractionalization occurs when a landowner dies, and their land is inherited by their children, but not subdivided. This means that one parcel might be owned by 50 different individuals. A majority of those holding interest must agree to any proposal to develop the land, and establishing this consent is time-consuming, cumbersome, and sometimes impossible. Another landownership issue on reservations is checkerboarding, where Tribal land is interspersed with land owned by the federal government on behalf of Natives, individually owned plots, and land owned by non-Native individuals. This prevents Tribal governments from securing plots of land large enough for economic development or agricultural uses.[241] Because reservation land is owned "in trust" by the federal government, individuals living on reservations cannot build equity in their homes. This bars Native Americans from getting loans, as there is nothing that a bank can collect if the loan is not paid. Past efforts to encourage land ownership (such as the Dawes Act) resulted in a net loss of Tribal land. After they were familiarized with their smallholder status, Native American landowners were lifted of trust restrictions and their land would get transferred back to them, contingent on a transactional fee to the federal government. The transfer fee discouraged Native American land ownership, with 65% of tribal-owned land being sold to non-Native Americans by the 1920s.[242] Activists against property rights point to historical evidence of communal ownership of land and resources by tribes. They claim that because of this history, property rights are foreign to Natives and have no place in the modern reservation system. Those in favor of property rights cite examples of tribes negotiating with colonial communities or other tribes about fishing and hunting rights in an area.[243] Land ownership was also a challenge because of the different definitions of land that the Natives and the Europeans had.[244] Most Native American tribes thought of property rights more as "borrowing" the land, while those from Europe thought of land as individual property.[245]
Land ownership and bureaucratic challenges in historical context
State-level efforts such as the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act were attempts to contain tribal land in Native American hands. However, more bureaucratic decisions only expanded the size of the bureaucracy. The knowledge disconnect between the decision-making bureaucracy and Native American stakeholders resulted in ineffective development efforts.[240][242]
Traditional Native American entrepreneurship does not prioritize profit maximization, rather, business transactions must have align with their social and cultural values.[246] In response to indigenous business philosophy, the federal government created policies that aimed to formalize their business practices, which undermined the Native American status quo.[242] Additionally, legal disputes interfered with tribal land leasing, which were settled with the verdict against tribal sovereignty.[247]
Often, bureaucratic overseers of development are far removed from Native American communities and lack the knowledge and understanding to develop plans or make resource allocation decisions.[240] The top-down heavy involvement in developmental operations corrupts bureaucrats into further self-serving agenda. Such incidences include fabricated reports that exaggerate results.[240]
Geographic poverty
While Native American urban poverty is attributed to hiring and workplace discrimination in a heterogeneous setting,[193] reservation and trust land poverty rates are endogenous to deserted opportunities in isolated regions.[248]
Trauma
Historical trauma
Historical trauma is described as collective emotional and psychological damage throughout a person's lifetime and across multiple generations.[249] Examples of historical trauma can be seen through the Wounded Knee Massacre of 1890, where over 200 unarmed Lakota were killed,[250] and the Dawes Allotment Act of 1887, when American Indians lost four-fifths of their land.[251]
Impacts of intergenerational trauma
American Indian youth have higher rates of substance and alcohol use deaths than the general population.[252] Many American Indians can trace the beginning of their substance and alcohol use to a traumatic event related to their offender's own substance use.[253] A person's substance use can be described as a defense mechanism against the user's emotions and trauma.[254] For American Indians alcoholism is a symptom of trauma passed from generation to generation and influenced by oppressive behaviors and policies by the dominant Euro-American society.[255] Boarding schools were made to "Kill the Indian, Save the man".[256] Shame among American Indians can be attributed to the hundreds of years of discrimination.[254]
Общество, язык и культура
The culture of Pre-Columbian North America is usually defined by the concept of the culture area, namely a geographical region where shared cultural traits occur. The northwest culture area, for example, shared common traits such as salmon fishing, woodworking, and large villages or towns and a hierarchical social structure.[257] Ethnographers generally classify the indigenous peoples of North America into ten cultural areas based on geographical region.
Though cultural features, language, clothing, and customs vary enormously from one tribe to another, there are certain elements which are encountered frequently and shared by many tribes. Early European American scholars described the Native Americans as having a society dominated by clans.[258]
European colonization of the Americas had a major impact on Native American cultures through what is known as the Columbian exchange. The Columbian exchange, also known as the Columbian interchange, was the widespread transfer of plants, animals, culture, human populations, technology, and ideas between the Americas and Eurasia (the Old World) in the 15th and 16th centuries, following Christopher Columbus's 1492 voyage.[259] The Columbian exchange generally had a destructive impact on Native American cultures through disease, and a 'clash of cultures',[260] whereby European values of private land ownership, the family, and division of labor, led to conflict, appropriation of traditional communal lands and changed how the indigenous tribes practiced slavery.[260]
The impact of the Columbian exchange was not entirely negative, however. For example, the re-introduction of the horse to North America allowed the Plains Indian to revolutionize their ways of life by making hunting, trading, and warfare far more effective, and to greatly improve their ability to transport possessions and move their settlements.[261]
The Great Plains tribes were still hunting the bison when they first encountered the Europeans. The Spanish reintroduction of the horse to North America in the 17th century and Native Americans' learning to use them greatly altered the Native Americans' cultures, including changing the way in which they hunted large game. Horses became such a valuable, central element of Native lives that they were counted as a measure of wealth by many tribes.[citation needed]
In the early years, as Native peoples encountered European explorers and settlers and engaged in trade, they exchanged food, crafts, and furs for blankets, iron and steel implements, horses, trinkets, firearms, and alcoholic beverages.
Ethno-linguistic classification
The Na-Dené, Algic, and Uto-Aztecan families are the largest in terms of the number of languages. Uto-Aztecan has the most speakers (1.95 million) if the languages in Mexico are considered (mostly due to 1.5 million speakers of Nahuatl); Na-Dené comes in second with approximately 200,000 speakers (nearly 180,000 of these are speakers of Navajo), and Algic in third with about 180,000 speakers (mainly Cree and Ojibwe). Na-Dené and Algic have the widest geographic distributions: Algic currently spans from northeastern Canada across much of the continent down to northeastern Mexico (due to later migrations of the Kickapoo) with two outliers in California (Yurok and Wiyot); Na-Dené spans from Alaska and western Canada through Washington, Oregon, and California to the U.S. Southwest and northern Mexico (with one outlier in the Plains). Several families consist of only 2 or 3 languages. Demonstrating genetic relationships has proved difficult due to the great linguistic diversity present in North America. Two large (super-) family proposals, Penutian and Hokan, look particularly promising. However, even after decades of research, a large number of families remain.[citation needed]
A number of words used in English have been derived from Native American languages.
Language education
To counteract a shift to English, some Native American tribes have initiated language immersion schools for children, where an Indigenous American language is the medium of instruction. For example, the Cherokee Nation initiated a 10-year language preservation plan that involved raising new fluent speakers of the Cherokee language from childhood on up through school immersion programs as well as a collaborative community effort to continue to use the language at home.[262] This plan was part of an ambitious goal that, in 50 years, will result in 80% or more of the Cherokee people being fluent in the language.[263] The Cherokee Preservation Foundation has invested $3 million in opening schools, training teachers, and developing curricula for language education, as well as initiating community gatherings where the language can be actively used.[263] Formed in 2006, the Kituwah Preservation & Education Program (KPEP) on the Qualla Boundary focuses on language immersion programs for children from birth to fifth grade, developing cultural resources for the general public and community language programs to foster the Cherokee language among adults.[264]
There is also a Cherokee language immersion school in Tahlequah, Oklahoma, that educates students from pre-school through eighth grade.[265] Because Oklahoma's official language is English, Cherokee immersion students are hindered when taking state-mandated tests because they have little competence in English.[266] The Department of Education of Oklahoma said that in 2012 state tests: 11% of the school's sixth-graders showed proficiency in math, and 25% showed proficiency in reading; 31% of the seventh-graders showed proficiency in math, and 87% showed proficiency in reading; 50% of the eighth-graders showed proficiency in math, and 78% showed proficiency in reading.[266] The Oklahoma Department of Education listed the charter school as a Targeted Intervention school, meaning the school was identified as a low-performing school but has not so that it was a Priority School.[266] Ultimately, the school made a C, or a 2.33 grade point average on the state's A-F report card system.[266] The report card shows the school getting an F in mathematics achievement and mathematics growth, a C in social studies achievement, a D in reading achievement, and an A in reading growth and student attendance.[266] "The C we made is tremendous", said school principal Holly Davis, "[t]here is no English instruction in our school's younger grades, and we gave them this test in English."[266] She said she had anticipated the low grade because it was the school's first year as a state-funded charter school, and many students had difficulty with English.[266] Eighth graders who graduate from the Tahlequah immersion school are fluent speakers of the language, and they usually go on to attend Sequoyah High School where classes are taught in both English and Cherokee.
Indigenous foodways
Historical diets of Native Americans differed dramatically from region to region. Different peoples might have relied more heavily on agriculture, horticulture, hunting, fishing, or gathering wild plants and fungi. Tribes developed diets best suited to their environments.
Iñupiat, Yupiit, Unangan, and fellow Alaska Natives fished, hunted, and harvested wild plants, but did not rely on agriculture. Coastal peoples relied more heavily on sea mammals, fish, and fish eggs, while inland peoples hunted caribou and moose.[267] Alaskan Natives prepared and preserved dried and smoked meat and fish.
Pacific Northwest tribes crafted seafaring dugouts 40–50 feet (12–15 m) long for fishing.
In the Eastern Woodlands, early peoples independently invented agricultural and by 1800 BCE developed the crops of the Eastern Agricultural Complex, which include squash (Cucurbita pepo ssp. ovifera), sunflower (Helianthus annuus var. macrocarpus), goosefoot (Chenopodium berlandieri), and marsh elder (Iva annua var. macrocarpa).[268][269]
The Sonoran desert region including parts of Arizona and California, part of a region known as Aridoamerica, relied heavily on the tepary bean (Phaseolus acutifolius) as a staple crop. This and other desert crops, mesquite bead pods, tunas (prickly pear fruit), cholla buds, saguaro cactus fruit, and acorns are being actively promoted today by Tohono O'odham Community Action.[270] In the Southwest, some communities developed irrigation techniques while others, such as the Hopi dry-farmed. They filled storehouses with grain as protection against the area's frequent droughts.
Maize or corn, first cultivated in what is now Mexico was traded north into Aridoamerica and Oasisamerica, southwest. From there, maize cultivation spread throughout the Great Plains and Eastern Woodlands by 200 CE. Native farmers practiced polycropping maize, beans, and squash; these crops are known as the Three Sisters. The beans would replace the nitrogen, which the maize leached from the ground, as well as using corn stalks for support for climbing.
The agriculture gender roles of the Native Americans varied from region to region. In the Southwest area, men prepared the soil with hoes. The women were in charge of planting, weeding, and harvesting the crops. In most other regions, the women were in charge of most agriculture, including clearing the land. Clearing the land was an immense chore since the Native Americans rotated fields.
Europeans in the eastern part of the continent observed that Native Americans cleared large areas for cropland. Their fields in New England sometimes covered hundreds of acres. Colonists in Virginia noted thousands of acres under cultivation by Native Americans.[271]
Early farmers commonly used tools such as the hoe, maul, and dibber. The hoe was the main tool used to till the land and prepare it for planting; then it was used for weeding. The first versions were made out of wood and stone. When the settlers brought iron, Native Americans switched to iron hoes and hatchets. The dibber was a digging stick, used to plant the seed. Once the plants were harvested, women prepared the produce for eating. They used the maul to grind the corn into a mash. It was cooked and eaten that way or baked as cornbread.[272]
Religion
Native American religious practices, beliefs, and philosophies differ widely across tribes. These spiritualities, practices, beliefs, and philosophies may accompany adherence to another faith or can represent a person's primary religious, faith, spiritual or philosophical identity. Much Native American spirituality exists in a tribal-cultural continuum, and as such cannot be easily separated from tribal identity itself.
Cultural spiritual, philosophical, and faith ways differ from tribe to tribe and person to person. Some tribes include the use of sacred leaves and herbs such as tobacco, sweetgrass or sage. Many Plains tribes have sweatlodge ceremonies, though the specifics of the ceremony vary among tribes. Fasting, singing and prayer in the ancient languages of their people, and sometimes drumming are also common.[273][citation needed]
The Midewiwin Lodge is a medicine society inspired by the oral history and prophesies of the Ojibwa (Chippewa) and related tribes.
Another significant religious body among Native peoples is known as the Native American Church. It is a syncretistic church incorporating elements of Native spiritual practice from a number of different tribes as well as symbolic elements from Christianity. Its main rite is the peyote ceremony. Prior to 1890, traditional religious beliefs included Wakan Tanka. In the American Southwest, especially New Mexico, a syncretism between the Catholicism brought by Spanish missionaries and the native religion is common; the religious drums, chants, and dances of the Pueblo people are regularly part of Masses at Santa Fe's Saint Francis Cathedral.[274] Native American-Catholic syncretism is also found elsewhere in the United States. (e.g., the National Kateri Tekakwitha Shrine in Fonda, New York, and the National Shrine of the North American Martyrs in Auriesville, New York).
The eagle feather law (Title 50 Part 22 of the Code of Federal Regulations) stipulates that only individuals of certifiable Native American ancestry enrolled in a federally recognized tribe are legally authorized to obtain eagle feathers for religious or spiritual use. The law does not allow Native Americans to give eagle feathers to non-Native Americans.
Gender roles
Gender roles are differentiated in many Native American tribes. Many Natives have retained traditional expectations of sexuality and gender, and continue to do so in contemporary life despite continued and on-going colonial pressures.[275]
Whether a particular tribe is predominantly matrilineal or patrilineal, often both sexes have some degree of decision-making power within the tribe. Many Nations, such as the Haudenosaunee Five Nations and the Southeast Muskogean tribes, have matrilineal or Clan Mother systems, in which property and hereditary leadership are controlled by and passed through the maternal lines.[276] In these Nations, the children are considered to belong to the mother's clan. In Cherokee culture, women own the family property. When traditional young women marry, their husbands may join them in their mother's household.
Matrilineal structures enable young women to have assistance in childbirth and rearing and protect them in case of conflicts between the couple. If a couple separates or the man dies, the woman has her family to assist her. In matrilineal cultures the mother's brothers are usually the leading male figures in her children's lives; fathers have no standing in their wife and children's clan, as they still belong to their own mother's clan. Hereditary clan chief positions pass through the mother's line and chiefs have historically been selected on the recommendations of women elders, who could also disapprove of a chief.[276]
In the patrilineal tribes, such as the Omaha, Osage, Ponca, and Lakota, hereditary leadership passes through the male line, and children are considered to belong to the father and his clan. In patrilineal tribes, if a woman marries a non-Native, she is no longer considered part of the tribe, and her children are considered to share the ethnicity and culture of their father.[277]
In patriarchal tribes, gender roles tend to be rigid. Men have historically hunted, traded and made war while, as life-givers, women have primary responsibility for the survival and welfare of the families (and future of the tribe). Women usually gather and cultivate plants, use plants and herbs to treat illnesses, care for the young and the elderly, make all the clothing and instruments, and process and cure meat and skins from the game. Some mothers use cradleboards to carry an infant while working or traveling.[278] In matriarchal and egalitarian nations, the gender roles are usually not so clear-cut and are even less so in the modern era.[275]
At least several dozen tribes allowed polygyny to sisters, with procedural and economic limits.[258]
Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota girls are encouraged to learn to ride, hunt and fight.[279] Though fighting in war has mostly been left to the boys and men, occasionally women have fought as well – both in battles and in defense of the home – especially if the tribe was severely threatened.[280]
Sports
Native American leisure time led to competitive individual and team sports. Jim Thorpe, Joe Hipp, Notah Begay III, Chris Wondolowski, Jacoby Ellsbury, Joba Chamberlain, Kyle Lohse, Sam Bradford, Jack Brisco, Tommy Morrison, Billy Mills, Angel Goodrich, Shoni Schimmel, and Kyrie Irving are well known professional athletes.
Team sports
Native American ball sports, sometimes referred to as lacrosse, stickball, or baggataway, were often used to settle disputes, rather than going to war, as a civil way to settle potential conflict. The Choctaw called it isitoboli ("Little Brother of War");[281] the Onondaga name was dehuntshigwa'es ("men hit a rounded object"). There are three basic versions, classified as Great Lakes, Iroquoian, and Southern.[282]
The game is played with one or two rackets or sticks and one ball. The object of the game is to land the ball in the opposing team's goal (either a single post or net) to score and to prevent the opposing team from scoring on your goal. The game involves as few as 20 or as many as 300 players with no height or weight restrictions and no protective gear. The goals could be from around 200 feet (61 m) apart to about 2 miles (3.2 km); in lacrosse the field is 110 yards (100 m).
Individual sports
Chunkey was a game that consisted of a stone-shaped disk that was about 1–2 inches in diameter. The disk was thrown down a 200-foot (61 m) corridor so that it could roll past the players at great speed. The disk would roll down the corridor, and players would throw wooden shafts at the moving disk. The object of the game was to strike the disk or prevent your opponents from hitting it.
U.S. Olympics
Jim Thorpe, a Sauk and Fox Native American, was an all-around athlete playing football and baseball in the early 20th century. Future President Dwight Eisenhower injured his knee while trying to tackle the young Thorpe. In a 1961 speech, Eisenhower recalled Thorpe: "Here and there, there are some people who are supremely endowed. My memory goes back to Jim Thorpe. He never practiced in his life, and he could do anything better than any other football player I ever saw."[283]
In the 1912 Olympics, Thorpe could run the 100-yard dash in 10 seconds flat, the 220 in 21.8 seconds, the 440 in 51.8 seconds, the 880 in 1:57, the mile in 4:35, the 120-yard high hurdles in 15 seconds, and the 220-yard low hurdles in 24 seconds.[284] He could long jump 23 ft 6 in and high-jump 6 ft 5 in.[284] He could pole vault 11 feet (3.4 m), put the shot 47 ft 9 in (14.55 m), throw the javelin 163 feet (50 m), and throw the discus 136 feet (41 m).[284] Thorpe entered the U.S. Olympic trials for the pentathlon and the decathlon.
Louis Tewanima, Hopi people, was an American two-time Olympic distance runner and silver medalist in the 10,000-meter run in 1912. He ran for the Carlisle Indian School where he was a teammate of Jim Thorpe. His silver medal in 1912 remained the best U.S. achievement in this event until another Indian, Billy Mills, won the gold medal in 1964. Tewanima also competed at the 1908 Olympics, where he finished in ninth place in the marathon.[1]
Ellison Brown, of the Narragansett people from Rhode Island, better known as "Tarzan" Brown, won two Boston Marathons (1936, 1939) and competed on the United States Olympic team in the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin, Germany, but did not finish due to injury. He qualified for the 1940 Olympic Games in Helsinki, Finland, but the games were canceled due to the outbreak of World War II.
Billy Mills, a Lakota and USMC officer, won the gold medal in the 10,000-meter run at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics. He was the only American ever to win the Olympic gold in this event. An unknown before the Olympics, Mills finished second in the U.S. Olympic trials.
Billy Kidd, part Abenaki from Vermont, became the first American male to medal in alpine skiing in the Olympics, taking silver at age 20 in the slalom in the 1964 Winter Olympics at Innsbruck, Austria. Six years later at the 1970 World Championships, Kidd won the gold medal in the combined event and took the bronze medal in the slalom.
Ashton Locklear (Lumbee), an uneven bars specialist was an alternate for the 2016 Summer Olympics U.S. gymnastics team, the Final Five.[285] In 2016, Kyrie Irving (Sioux) also helped Team USA win the gold medal at the 2016 Summer Olympics. With the win, he became just the fourth member of Team USA to capture the NBA championship and an Olympic gold medal in the same year, joining LeBron James, Michael Jordan, and Scottie Pippen.[286]
Music
Traditional Native American music is almost entirely monophonic, but there are notable exceptions. Native American music often includes drumming or the playing of rattles or other percussion instruments but little other instrumentation. Flutes and whistles made of wood, cane, or bone are also played, generally by individuals, but in former times also by large ensembles (as noted by Spanish conquistador de Soto). The tuning of modern flutes is typically pentatonic.
Performers with Native American parentage have occasionally appeared in American popular music such as Rita Coolidge, Wayne Newton, Gene Clark, Buffy Sainte-Marie, Blackfoot, and Redbone (members are also of Mexican descent). Some, such as John Trudell, have used music to comment on life in Native America. Other musicians such as R. Carlos Nakai, Joanne Shenandoah and Robert "Tree" Cody integrate traditional sounds with modern sounds in instrumental recordings, whereas the music by artist Charles Littleleaf is derived from ancestral heritage as well as nature. A variety of small and medium-sized recording companies offer an abundance of recent music by Native American performers young and old, ranging from pow-wow drum music to hard-driving rock-and-roll and rap. In the International world of ballet dancing Maria Tallchief was considered America's first major prima ballerina,[287] and was the first person of Native American descent to hold the rank.[288] along with her sister Marjorie Tallchief both became star ballerinas.
The most widely practiced public musical form among Native Americans in the United States is that of the pow-wow. At pow-wows, such as the annual Gathering of Nations in Albuquerque, New Mexico, members of drum groups sit in a circle around a large drum. Drum groups play in unison while they sing in a native language and dancers in colorful regalia dance clockwise around the drum groups in the center. Familiar pow-wow songs include honor songs, intertribal songs, crow-hops, sneak-up songs, grass-dances, two-steps, welcome songs, going-home songs, and war songs. Most indigenous communities in the United States also maintain traditional songs and ceremonies, some of which are shared and practiced exclusively within the community.[289]
Art
The Iroquois, living around the Great Lakes and extending east and north, used strings or belts called wampum that served a dual function: the knots and beaded designs mnemonically chronicled tribal stories and legends, and further served as a medium of exchange and a unit of measure. The keepers of the articles were seen as tribal dignitaries.[290]
Pueblo peoples crafted impressive items associated with their religious ceremonies. Kachina dancers wore elaborately painted and decorated masks as they ritually impersonated various ancestral spirits.[291] Pueblo people are particularly noted for their traditional high-quality pottery, often with geometric designs and floral, animal and bird motifs.[292] Sculpture was not highly developed, but carved stone and wood fetishes were made for religious use. Superior weaving, embroidered decorations, and rich dyes characterized the textile arts. Both turquoise and shell jewelry were created, as were formalized pictorial arts.[293]
Navajo spirituality focused on the maintenance of a harmonious relationship with the spirit world, often achieved by ceremonial acts, usually incorporating sandpainting. For the Navajo, the sand painting is not merely a representational object, but a dynamic spiritual entity with a life of its own, which helped the patient at the center of the ceremony re-establish a connection with the life force. These vivid, intricate, and colorful sand creations were erased at the end of the healing ceremony.[294]
The Native American arts and crafts industry brings in more than a billion in gross sales annually.[295]
Native American art comprises a major category in the world art collection. Native American contributions include pottery, paintings, jewellery, weavings, sculpture, basketry, and carvings. Franklin Gritts was a Cherokee artist who taught students from many tribes at Haskell Institute (now Haskell Indian Nations University) in the 1940s, the Golden Age of Native American painters. The integrity of certain Native American artworks is protected by the Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990, which prohibits the representation of art as Native American when it is not the product of an enrolled Native American artist. Attorney Gail Sheffield and others claim that this law has had "the unintended consequence of sanctioning discrimination against Native Americans whose tribal affiliation was not officially recognized".[296] Native artists such as Jeanne Rorex Bridges (Echota Cherokee) who was not enrolled ran the risk of fines or imprisonment if they continued to sell their art while affirming their Indian heritage.[297][298][299]
Межрасовые отношения
Interracial relations between Native Americans, Europeans, and Africans is a complex issue that has been mostly neglected with "few in-depth studies on interracial relationships".[300][301] Some of the first documented cases of European/Native American intermarriage and contact were recorded in Post-Columbian Mexico. One case is that of Gonzalo Guerrero, a European from Spain, who was shipwrecked along the Yucatan Peninsula, and fathered three Mestizo children with a Mayan noblewoman. Another is the case of Hernán Cortés and his mistress La Malinche, who gave birth to another of the first multi-racial people in the Americas.[302]
Assimilation
European impact was immediate, widespread, and profound already during the early years of colonization and the creation of the countries which currently exist in the Americas. Europeans living among Native Americans were often called "white indians". They "lived in native communities for years, learned native languages fluently, attended native councils, and often fought alongside their native companions".[303]
Early contact was often charged with tension and emotion, but also had moments of friendship, cooperation, and intimacy.[304] Marriages took place in English, Spanish, French, and Russian colonies between Native Americans and Europeans though Native American women were also the victims of rape.[305]
There was fear on both sides, as the different peoples realized how different their societies were.[304] Many whites regarded Native people as "savages" because the Native people were not Protestant or Roman Catholic and therefore the Native people were not considered to be human beings. Orthodox Christians never viewed Native people as savages or sub-human.[304] The Native American author, Andrew J. Blackbird, wrote in his History of the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan (1897), that white settlers introduced some immoralities into Native American tribes. Many Native Americans suffered because the Europeans introduced alcohol. Many Native people do not break down alcohol in the same way as people of Eurasian background. Many Native people were learning what their body could tolerate of this new substance and died as a result of imbibing too much.[304]
Blackbird wrote:
The Ottawas and Chippewas were quite virtuous in their primitive state, as there were no illegitimate children reported in our old traditions. But very lately this evil came to exist among the Ottawas-so lately that the second case among the Ottawas of 'Arbor Croche' is yet living in 1897. And from that time this evil came to be quite frequent, for immorality has been introduced among these people by evil white persons who bring their vices into the tribes.[304]
The U.S. government had two purposes when making land agreements with Native Americans: to open up more land for white settlement,[304] and to "ease tensions" (in other words assimilate Native people to Eurasian social ways) between whites and Native Americans by forcing the Native Americans to use the land in the same way as did the whites—for subsistence farms.[304] The government used a variety of strategies to achieve these goals; many treaties required Native Americans to become farmers in order to keep their land.[304] Government officials often did not translate the documents which Native Americans were forced to sign, and native chiefs often had little or no idea what they were signing.[304]
For a Native American man to marry a white woman, he had to get consent of her parents, as long as "he can prove to support her as a white woman in a good home".[308] In the early 19th century, the Shawnee Tecumseh and blonde hair, blue-eyed Rebbecca Galloway had an interracial affair. In the late 19th century, three European-American middle-class women teachers at Hampton Institute married Native American men whom they had met as students.[309]
As European-American women started working independently at missions and Indian schools in the western states, there were more opportunities for their meeting and developing relationships with Native American men. For instance, Charles Eastman, a man of European and Lakota origin whose father sent both his sons to Dartmouth College, got his medical degree at Boston University and returned to the West to practice. He married Elaine Goodale, whom he met in South Dakota. He was the grandson of Seth Eastman, a military officer from Maine, and a chief's daughter. Goodale was a young European-American teacher from Massachusetts and a reformer, who was appointed as the U.S. superintendent of Native American education for the reservations in the Dakota Territory. They had six children together.
European enslavement
The majority of Native American tribes did practice some form of slavery before the European introduction of African slavery into North America, but none exploited slave labor on a large scale. Most Native American tribes did not barter captives in the pre-colonial era, although they sometimes exchanged enslaved individuals with other tribes in peace gestures or in exchange for their own members.[310] When Europeans arrived as colonists in North America, Native Americans changed their practice of slavery dramatically. Native Americans began selling war captives to Europeans rather than integrating them into their own societies as they had done before. As the demand for labor in the West Indies grew with the cultivation of sugar cane, Europeans enslaved Native Americans for the Thirteen Colonies, and some were exported to the "sugar islands". The British settlers, especially those in the southern colonies, purchased or captured Native Americans to use as forced labor in cultivating tobacco, rice, and indigo. Accurate records of the numbers enslaved do not exist because vital statistics and census reports were at best infrequent.[311] Scholars estimate tens to hundreds of thousands of Native Americans may have been enslaved by the Europeans, being sold by Native Americans themselves or Europeans.[312][313] Slaves became a caste of people who were foreign to the English (Native Americans, Africans and their descendants) and non-Christians. The Virginia General Assembly defined some terms of slavery in 1705:
All servants imported and brought into the Country ... who were not Christians in their native Country ... shall be accounted and be slaves. All Negro, mulatto and Indian slaves within this dominion ... shall be held to be real estate. If any slave resists his master ... correcting such slave, and shall happen to be killed in such correction ... the master shall be free of all punishment ... as if such accident never happened.
— Virginia General Assembly declaration, 1705[314]
The slave trade of Native Americans lasted only until around 1750. It gave rise to a series of devastating wars among the tribes, including the Yamasee War. The Indian Wars of the early 18th century, combined with the increasing importation of African slaves, effectively ended the Native American slave trade by 1750. Colonists found that Native American slaves could easily escape, as they knew the country. The wars cost the lives of numerous colonial slave traders and disrupted their early societies. The remaining Native American groups banded together to face the Europeans from a position of strength. Many surviving Native American peoples of the southeast strengthened their loose coalitions of language groups and joined confederacies such as the Choctaw, the Creek, and the Catawba for protection. Even after the Indian Slave Trade ended in 1750 the enslavement of Native Americans continued in the west, and also in the Southern states mostly through kidnappings.[315][316] Both Native American and African enslaved women suffered rape and sexual harassment by male slaveholders and other white men.[305]
Native American and African relations
African and Native Americans have interacted for centuries. The earliest record of Native American and African contact occurred in April 1502, when Spanish colonists transported the first Africans to Hispaniola to serve as slaves.[317]
Sometimes Native Americans resented the presence of African Americans.[318] The "Catawaba tribe in 1752 showed great anger and bitter resentment when an African American came among them as a trader".[318] To gain favor with Europeans, the Cherokee exhibited the strongest color prejudice of all Native Americans.[318] Because of European fears of a unified revolt of Native Americans and African Americans, the colonists tried to encourage hostility between the ethnic groups: "Whites sought to convince Native Americans that African Americans worked against their best interests."[319] In 1751, South Carolina law stated:
The carrying of Negroes among the Indians has all along been thought detrimental, as an intimacy ought to be avoided.[320]
In addition, in 1758 the governor of South Carolina James Glen wrote:
it has always been the policy of this government to create an aversion in them [Indians] to Negroes.[321]
Europeans considered both races inferior and made efforts to make both Native Americans and Africans enemies.[322] Native Americans were rewarded if they returned escaped slaves, and African Americans were rewarded for fighting in the late 19th-century Indian Wars.[322][323][324]
"Native Americans, during the transitional period of Africans becoming the primary race enslaved, were enslaved at the same time and shared a common experience of enslavement. They worked together, lived together in communal quarters, produced collective recipes for food, shared herbal remedies, myths and legends, and in the end they intermarried."[325][326] Because of a shortage of men due to warfare, many tribes encouraged marriage between the two groups, to create stronger, healthier children from the unions.[327]
In the 18th century, many Native American women married freed or runaway African men due to a decrease in the population of men in Native American villages.[322] Records show that many Native American women bought African men but, unknown to the European sellers, the women freed and married the men into their tribe.[322] When African men married or had children by a Native American woman, their children were born free, because the mother was free (according to the principle of partus sequitur ventrem, which the colonists incorporated into law).[322]
While numerous tribes used captive enemies as servants and slaves, they also often adopted younger captives into their tribes to replace members who had died. In the Southeast, a few Native American tribes began to adopt a slavery system similar to that of the American colonists, buying African American slaves, especially the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Creek. Though less than 3% of Native Americans owned slaves, divisions grew among the Native Americans over slavery.[328] Among the Cherokee, records show that slaveholders in the tribe were largely the children of European men who had shown their children the economics of slavery.[323] As European colonists took slaves into frontier areas, there were more opportunities for relationships between African and Native American peoples.[322]
Расовая идентичность
In the 2010 Census, nearly 3 million people indicated that their race was Native American (including Alaska Native).[329] Of these, more than 27% specifically indicated "Cherokee" as their ethnic origin.[330][331] Many of the First Families of Virginia claim descent from Pocahontas or some other "Indian princess". This phenomenon has been dubbed the "Cherokee Syndrome".[332] Across the US, numerous individuals cultivate an opportunistic ethnic identity as Native American, sometimes through Cherokee heritage groups or Indian Wedding Blessings.[333]
Some tribes (particularly some in the Eastern United States) are primarily made up of individuals with an unambiguous Native American identity, despite having a large number of mixed-race citizens with prominent non-Native ancestry. More than 75% of those enrolled in the Cherokee Nation have less than one-quarter Cherokee blood,[334] and the former Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation, Bill John Baker, is 1/32 Cherokee, amounting to about 3%.
Historically, numerous Native Americans assimilated into colonial and later American society, e.g. through adopting English and converting to Christianity. In many cases, this process occurred through forced assimilation of children sent off to special boarding schools far from their families. Those who could pass for white had the advantage of white privilege.[333] With the enforcement of blood quantum laws, Indian blood could be diluted over generations through interbreeding with non-Native populations, as well as intermarrying with tribes that were not recognized by the United States government.[335] "Kill the Indian, save the man" was a mantra of nineteenth-century U.S. assimilation policies.[336]
Native Americans are more likely than any other racial group to practice interracial marriage, resulting in an ever-declining proportion of indigenous blood among those who claim a Native American identity.[337] Some tribes will even resort to disenrollment of tribal members unable to provide scientific "proof" of Native ancestry, usually through a Certificate of Degree of Indian Blood. Disenrollment has become a contentious issue in Native American reservation politics.[338][339]
Admixture and genetics
Intertribal mixing was common among many Native American tribes prior to European contact, as they would adopt captives taken in warfare. Individuals often had ancestry from more than one tribe, particularly after tribes lost so many members from disease in the colonial era and after.[60] Bands or entire tribes occasionally split or merged to form more viable groups in reaction to the pressures of climate, disease and warfare.[341]
A number of tribes traditionally adopted captives into their group to replace members who had been captured or killed in battle. Such captives were from rival tribes and later were taken from raids on European settlements. Some tribes also sheltered or adopted white traders and runaway slaves, and others owned slaves of their own. Tribes with long trading histories with Europeans show a higher rate of European admixture, reflecting years of intermarriage between Native American women and European men, often seen as advantageous to both sides.[341] A number of paths to genetic and ethnic diversity among Native Americans have occurred.
In recent years, genetic genealogists have been able to determine the proportion of Native American ancestry carried by the African-American population. The literary and history scholar Henry Louis Gates, Jr., had experts on his TV programs who discussed African-American ancestry. They stated that 5% of African Americans have at least 12.5% Native American ancestry, or the equivalent to one great-grandparent, which may represent more than one distant ancestor. A greater percentage could have a smaller proportion of Indian ancestry, but their conclusions show that popular estimates of Native American admixture may have been too high.[342] More recent genetic testing research of 2015, have found varied ancestries which show different tendencies by region and sex of ancestors. Though DNA testing is limited these studies found that on average, African Americans have 73.2–82.1% West African, 16.7%–29% European, and 0.8–2% Native American genetic ancestry, with large variation between individuals.[343][344][345][346]
DNA testing is not sufficient to qualify a person for specific tribal membership, as it cannot distinguish among Native American tribes; however some tribes such as the Meskwaki Nation require a DNA test in order to enroll in the tribe.[347]
In Native American DNA: Tribal Belonging and the False Promise of Genetic Science, Kim Tallbear states that a person, "… could have up to two Native American grandparents and show no sign of Native American ancestry. For example, a genetic male could have a maternal grandfather (from whom he did not inherit his Y chromosome) and a paternal grandmother (from whom he did not inherit his mtDNA) who were descended from Native American founders, but mtDNA and Y-chromosome analyses would not detect them."[336]
Native American identity has historically been based on culture, not just biology, as many American Indian peoples adopted captives from their enemies and assimilated them into their tribes. The Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism (IPCB) notes that:
"Native American markers" are not found solely among Native Americans. While they occur more frequently among Native Americans, they are also found in people in other parts of the world.[348]
Geneticists state:
Not all Native Americans have been tested; especially with the large number of deaths due to disease such as smallpox, it is unlikely that Native Americans only have the genetic markers they have identified [so far], even when their maternal or paternal bloodline does not include a [known] non-Native American.[349][350]
Tribal membership
To receive tribal services, a Native American must be a certified (or enrolled) member of a federally recognized tribal organization. Each tribal government makes its own rules for the eligibility of citizens or tribal members. Among tribes, qualification for enrollment may be based upon a required percentage of Native American "blood" (or the "blood quantum") of an individual seeking recognition, or documented descent from an ancestor on the Dawes Rolls or other registers. But, the federal government has its own standards related to who qualifies for services available to certified Native Americans. For instance, federal scholarships for Native Americans require the student both to be enrolled in a federally recognized tribe and to be of at least one-quarter Native American descent (equivalent to one grandparent), attested to by a Certificate of Degree of Indian Blood (CDIB) card issued by the federal government.
Some tribes have begun requiring genealogical DNA testing of individuals' applying for membership, but this is usually related to an individual's proving parentage or direct descent from a certified member.[351] Requirements for tribal membership vary widely by tribe. The Cherokee require documented direct genealogical descent from a Native American listed in the early 1906 Dawes Rolls. Tribal rules regarding the recognition of members who have heritage from multiple tribes are equally diverse and complex. Federally recognized tribes do not accept genetic-ancestry results as appropriate documentation for enrollment and do not advise applicants to submit such documentation.[336]
Tribal membership conflicts have led to a number of legal disputes, court cases, and the formation of activist groups. One example of this is the Cherokee Freedmen. Today, they include descendants of African Americans once enslaved by the Cherokees, who were granted, by federal treaty, citizenship in the historic Cherokee Nation as freedmen after the Civil War. The modern Cherokee Nation, in the early 1980s, passed a law to require that all members must prove descent from a Cherokee Native American (not Cherokee Freedmen) listed on the Dawes Rolls, resulting in the exclusion of some individuals and families who had been active in Cherokee culture for years.
Increased self-identification
Since the 2000 United States Census, people may identify as being of more than one race.[148] Since the 1960s, the number of people claiming Native American ancestry has grown significantly and, by the 2000 census, the number had more than doubled. Sociologists attribute this dramatic change to "ethnic shifting" or "ethnic shopping"; they believe that it reflects a willingness of people to question their birth identities and adopt new ethnicities which they find more compatible.
The author Jack Hitt writes:
The reaction from lifelong Indians runs the gamut. It is easy to find Native Americans who denounce many of these new Indians as members of the wannabe tribe. But it is also easy to find Indians like Clem Iron Wing, an elder among the Lakota, who sees this flood of new ethnic claims as magnificent, a surge of Indians 'trying to come home.' Those Indians who ridicule Iron Wing's lax sense of tribal membership have retrofitted the old genocidal system of blood quantum—measuring racial purity by blood—into the new standard for real Indianness, a choice rich with paradox.[149]
The journalist Mary Annette Pember notes that identifying with Native American culture may be a result of a person's increased interest in genealogy, the romanticization of the lifestyle, and a family tradition of Native American ancestors in the distant past. There are different issues if a person wants to pursue enrollment as a member of a tribe. Different tribes have different requirements for tribal membership; in some cases persons are reluctant to enroll, seeing it as a method of control initiated by the federal government; and there are individuals who are 100% Native American but, because of their mixed tribal heritage, do not qualify to belong to any individual tribe. Pember concludes:
The subjects of genuine American Indian blood, cultural connection and recognition by the community are extremely contentious issues, hotly debated throughout Indian country and beyond. The whole situation, some say, is ripe for misinterpretation, confusion and, ultimately, exploitation.[352]
Genetics
The genetic history of indigenous peoples of the Americas primarily focuses on human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroups and human mitochondrial DNA haplogroups. "Y-DNA" is passed solely along the patrilineal line, from father to son, while "mtDNA" is passed down the matrilineal line, from mother to offspring of both sexes. Neither recombines, and thus Y-DNA and mtDNA change only by chance mutation at each generation with no intermixture between parents' genetic material.[353] Autosomal "atDNA" markers are also used, but differ from mtDNA or Y-DNA in that they overlap significantly.[354] Autosomal DNA is generally used to measure the average continent-of-ancestry genetic admixture in the entire human genome and related isolated populations.[354] Within mtDNA, genetic scientists have found specific nucleotide sequences classified as "Native American markers" because the sequences are understood to have been inherited through the generations of genetic females within populations that first settled the "New World". There are five primary Native American mtDNA haplogroups in which there are clusters of closely linked markers inherited together. All five haplogroups have been identified by researchers as "prehistoric Native North American samples", and it is commonly asserted that the majority of living Native Americans possess one of the common five mtDNA haplogroup markers.[336]
The genetic pattern indicates Indigenous Americans experienced two very distinctive genetic episodes; first with the initial-peopling of the Americas, and secondly with European colonization of the Americas.[355][356][357] The former is the determinant factor for the number of gene lineages, zygosity mutations and founding haplotypes present in today's Indigenous Amerindian populations.[356]
Human settlement of the New World occurred in stages from the Bering sea coast line, with an initial 15,000 to 20,000-year layover on Beringia for the small founding population.[355][358][359] The micro-satellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonization of the region.[360] The Na-Dené, Inuit and Indigenous Alaskan populations exhibit haplogroup Q-M242 (Y-DNA) mutations, however, that are distinct from other indigenous Amerindians, and that have various mtDNA and atDNA mutations.[361][362][363] This suggests that the paleo-Indian migrants into the northern extremes of North America and Greenland were descended from a later, independent migrant population.[364][365]
Genetic analyses of HLA I and HLA II genes as well as HLA-A, -B, and -DRB1 gene frequencies links the Ainu people of northern Japan and southeastern Russia to some Indigenous peoples of the Americas, especially to populations on the Pacific Northwest Coast such as Tlingit. Scientists suggest that the main ancestor of the Ainu and of some Native American groups can be traced back to Paleolithic groups in Southern Siberia.[366]
Смотрите также
- Alcohol and Native Americans
- Indian Actors Association
- List of Alaska Native tribal entities
- List of historical Indian reservations in the United States
- List of Indian reservations in the United States
- List of Native American firsts
- List of Native Americans of the United States (notable Native Americans)
- List of writers from peoples indigenous to the Americas
- Mythologies of the indigenous peoples of the Americas
- Native American civil rights
- Native American Heritage Sites (National Park Service)
- Native Americans in popular culture
- Native Americans in United States elections
- Outline of United States federal Indian law and policy
- Sexual victimization of Native American women
- Suicide among Native Americans in the United States
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дальнейшее чтение
- Adams, David Wallace. Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875–1928, University Press of Kansas, 1975. ISBN 0-7006-0735-8 (hbk); ISBN 0-7006-0838-9 (pbk).
- Anderson, Owanah. Jamestown Commitment: the Episcopal Church [i.e. the Protestant Episcopal Church in the U.S.A.] and the American Indian. Cincinnati, Ohio: Forward Movement Publications, 1988. 170 p. ISBN 0-88028-082-4
- Barak, Gregg, Paul Leighton, and Jeanne Flavin. Class, Race, Gender, and Crime: The Social Realities of Justice in America. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010. ISBN 978-0-7425-9969-7.
- Bierhorst, John. A Cry from the Earth: Music of North American Indians. ISBN 0-941270-53-X.
- Deloria, Vine. 1969. Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto. New York: Macmillan.
- Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (September 2014). An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States, Boston: Beacon Press.
- Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (February 2015). "Native Land and African Bodies, the Source of U.S. Capitalism", in Monthly Review, Volume 66, Number 9. Book review of Walter Johnson, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2013)
- Electronic Code of Federal Regulations (e-CFR), Title 50: Wildlife and Fisheries Part 22-Eagle permits "Electronic Code of Federal Regulations". Ecfr.gpoaccess.gov. February 27, 2007. Archived from the original on June 10, 2007. Retrieved August 22, 2010.
- Hirschfelder, Arlene B.; Byler, Mary G.; & Dorris, Michael. Guide to research on North American Indians. American Library Association (1983). ISBN 0-8389-0353-3.
- Jones, Peter N. Respect for the Ancestors: American Indian Cultural Affiliation in the American West. Boulder, CO: Bauu Press (2005). ISBN 0-9721349-2-1.
- Kroeber, Alfred L. (1939). Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology.
- Nabokov, Peter, "The Intent Was Genocide" (review of Jeffrey Ostler, Surviving Genocide: Native Nations and the United States from the American Revolution to Bleeding Kansas, Yale University Press, 533 pp.), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVII, no. 11 (2 July 2020), pp. 51–52. Writes Nabokov (p. 52): "[D]uring the formative years of our republic and beyond, there was a mounting, merciless, uncoordinated but aggressively consistent crusade to eliminate [a recurring word is "extirpate"] the native residents of the United States from their homelands by any means necessary – and those homelands were everywhere."
- Nichols, Roger L. Indians in the United States & Canada, A Comparative History. University of Nebraska Press (1998). ISBN 0-8032-8377-6.
- Pohl, Frances K. (2002). Framing America: A Social History of American Art. New York: Thames & Hudson. pp. 54–56, 105–106 & 110–111. ISBN 978-0-500-23792-2.
- Shanley, Kathryn Winona (1997). "The Indians America Loves to Love and Read: American Indian Identity and Cultural Appropriation". American Indian Quarterly. 21 (4): 675–702. doi:10.2307/1185719. JSTOR 1185719. Archived from the original on March 15, 2011.
- Shanley, Kathryn Winona (2004). "The Paradox of Native American Indian Intellectualism and Literature". Melus. 29 (3/4): 273–292. doi:10.2307/4141855. JSTOR 4141855.
- Shohat, Ella; Stam, Robert (1994). Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-06324-1.
- Sletcher, Michael, "North American Indians", in Will Kaufman and Heidi Macpherson, eds., Britain and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History, New York: Oxford University Press, 2005, 2 vols.
- Snipp, C.M. (1989). American Indians: The first of this land. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ISBN 978-0-87154-822-1.
- Sturtevant, William C. (Ed.). Handbook of North American Indians (Vol. 1–20). Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. (Vols. 1–3, 16, 18–20 not yet published), (1978–present).
- Tiller, Veronica E. (Ed.). Discover Indian Reservations USA: A Visitors' Welcome Guide. Foreword by Ben Nighthorse Campbell. Denver, CO: Council Publications, 1992. ISBN 0-9632580-0-1.
- Washburn, Wilcomb E. The Indian in America (1975)
Внешние ссылки
- Official website of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, part of the U.S. Department of the Interior
- Official website of the National Congress of American Indians
- American Indian Records from the National Archives and Records Administration
- Official website of the National Museum of the American Indian, part of the Smithsonian Institution
- National Indian Law Library of the Native American Rights Fund – a law library of federal Indian and tribal law